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How do Schools Respond to Biased-Based Bullying? A Qualitative Study of Management and Prevention Strategies in Schools

• Original Paper
• Published: 31 December 2022
• Volume 15 , pages 508–518, ( 2023 )

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• Marizen R. Ramirez   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-0830-9841 1 ,
• Amy L. Gower   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-9852-9196 2 ,
• Camille Brown   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0003-2517-3859 2 ,
• Yoon-Sung Nam   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8198-1311 1 &
• Marla E. Eisenberg   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-7730-4913 2  

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Biased-based bullying, a common form of aggression that occurs in schools, targets individuals because of stigmatized identities and characteristics. Because biased-based bullying has adverse impacts on the health and well-being of marginalized students, the management and prevention of biased-based incidents is a priority, but little is known about school efforts in prevention. The goal of this study was to understand the kinds of strategies used by schools to address bias-based bullying as well as the challenges to effective prevention and intervention. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 7 teams composed of 19 educators from middle and high schools in Minnesota who were responsible for bullying response. Teams were composed of administrators, paraprofessional staff, and teachers from urban, suburban, and rural schools. Findings indicated that schools are well-versed in the steps to respond to general bullying incidents, aligning with state anti-bullying mandates on reporting, investigations, and disciplinary actions. These policies, however, do not target stigma and bias. Rather, schools look to broader upstream whole-school environmental approaches to develop a culture of inclusivity. For example, many schools are implementing socioemotional learning programs, which are neither tailored to biased-based bullying nor proven effective in reducing biased-based bullying. Other organizational initiatives being pursued by schools are the hiring of equity specialists, designing diversity education and inclusive curriculum, and instituting student-led affinity groups. Given the limited resources available in schools, future research is recommended to evaluate these new approaches, policies and practices to effectively and efficiently address the root causes of biased-based bullying.

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Positionality statements. Because individual and collective identities influence methodologic approaches and interpretation in research, we, as authors, provide here our identities to increase transparency with our audience. MRR (she/her) is a second-generation, heterosexual Filipinx-American, born and raised in Los Angeles, California, in primarily Latinx and Asian low-to-middle class communities. CB (she/her) is a white, queer, able- and large-bodied cisgender woman raised in a conservative, working-class community. ALG (she/her) is a white, queer, able- and large-bodied cisgender woman raised in a rural, majority white community in the upper Midwest. YSN (he/him) is a first-generational, heterosexual Korean-American, born and raised in primarily white, working-class communities in the upper Midwest. MEE (she/her) is a white, cisgender, heterosexual woman raised in a small city in Minnesota.

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Interview Questions:

Please tell me a little about your school.

What are your roles in terms of school safety or violence prevention?

What are some of your top safety or violence prevention concerns for students?

What are some things students at your school get teased, harassed, picked on, or bullied about?

PROBE: Have you had to deal with these kinds of negative experiences around race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity (or expression) or weight at your school?

Note: Use words that the group uses—e.g., bias-based bullying, harassment, discrimination

We have been talking to students about these kinds of experiences. Some scenarios they described were things like people using the word "fag" or saying "that's so gay," being told to "stop acting ghetto," being called "a disease to the community," or even being pushed into the wrong bathroom because of their gender expression.

Has this sort of thing ever happened at your school?

PROBE: Please tell me more about it. [if no similar incidents, frame the following questions as hypothetical]

PROBE : How did you respond to this incident?

PROBE: What, if any, special resources were used to address this incident?

PROBE: What were some challenges/barriers to addressing this kind of incident?

How much of a problem is it (use what was stated) at your school?

PROBE: How does this compare to other safety concerns or violence prevention concerns, such as general bullying?

What kinds of policies, programs, or other resources do you have in place at your school to prevent these kinds of incidents?

PROBE: What do you think about these policies/practices/other resources?

SUB-PROBE: How do they work?

SUB-PROBE: How don’t they work?

PROBE: How do these compare to your policies, programs, and other resources related to general bullying/harassment/violence prevention?

PROBE: What strategies are used when these kinds of incidents happen?

PROBE: What, if any, special resources were used to address these kinds of experiences?

PROBE: How did you come up with these policies, practices, and/or resources?

In general, from what each of you hears or knows, what strategies seem to be the most effective in preventing bias-based bullying [or term used by respondents] at your school?

PROBE: Are they similar or different to those that are effective for general bullying?

PROBE: What do you think they’re working (or not working?) for students/teachers?

PROBE: Why are they a good fit for your school?

What type of professional development on this topic of bias-based bullying [ or term used ] has been provided to staff at your school in the past three years?

PROBE: Who at your school received this training [ask for each training mentioned]?

PROBE: Have administrators received this training [ask for each training mentioned]

Where do you get information and resources about bias-based bullying prevention [or term used] or strategies for dealing with it?

PROBE: Are the sources different for different forms (e.g., race-based vs. weight-based bullying?)

PROBE: Are these the same or different than the places where you get information about general bullying?

What kind of resources do you wish you had to prevent and address bias-based bullying [or term used]?

Are there other things related to your work around bias-based bullying [or term used] that you would like to bring up today?

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Ramirez, M.R., Gower, A.L., Brown, C. et al. How do Schools Respond to Biased-Based Bullying? A Qualitative Study of Management and Prevention Strategies in Schools. School Mental Health 15 , 508–518 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12310-022-09565-8

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Issue Date : June 2023

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s12310-022-09565-8

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Survivors of School Bullying: A Collective Case Study

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Octavio Ramirez, Survivors of School Bullying: A Collective Case Study, Children & Schools , Volume 35, Issue 2, April 2013, Pages 93–99, https://doi.org/10.1093/cs/cdt001

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This article explores the coping strategies of five junior-high school students with a history of peer victimization and how those strategies help them manage the effects of bullying. The data were collected using observations, interviews, and a review of school records. The data were analyzed using categorical aggregation, direct interpretation, constant comparison, and identification of patterns. On analysis, the following categories emerged from the data: identification of supportive systems, in-class strategies, premonition and environmental analysis, thought cessation and redirection, and masking. These categories were amalgamated into two general patterns: preventive and reactive strategies. The results of the study show that although the strategies helped participants to cope with the immediate effects of bullying, they did not exempt participants from the psychological and emotional implications of peer victimization.

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• Published: 22 November 2021

Bullying in schools: prevalence, bystanders’ reaction and associations with sex and relationships

• Temesgen Demissie Eijigu   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8846-8844 1 &
• Seleshi Zeleke Teketel 2  

BMC Psychology volume  9 , Article number:  183 ( 2021 ) Cite this article

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Bullying and peer victimization are the most pressing social problems affecting the wellbeing of children and adolescents. This study attempts to estimate the prevalence and examine the association of bystander’s sex, her/his relationship with the victim and with the bully, and bystander’s reaction to school bullying in East Gojjam Administrative Zone, Ethiopia.

This study followed an explanatory mixed-method study design. For the quantitative phase, 612 participants were selected using multistage cluster sampling techniques and for qualitative phase, 18 participants were selected using purposive sampling technique. We used self-reported questionnaires and semi-structured interviews to collect data from students attending grades 7, 8, 9, and 10.

This study revealed that 55% of bystanders remained passive while 38% of them defended the victim upon witnessing bullying incidents. Pearson Chi-Square test for independence indicated a significant association between bystanders’ relationship with the victim and/or bully, and bystanders’ reaction. In contrast, sex has no significant association with bystanders’ reaction. The semi-structured interview data also suggested that large number of bystanders most often stood by passively while some of them defended the victim.

The practice of defending among students attending their education in governmental primary and secondary schools in East Gojjam Administrative Zone was low. Close social relationships (being close friends, relatives, and classmates) with the victim and bully were significantly associated with the practice of defending.

Peer Review reports

Bullying and peer victimization are the most pressing social problems affecting the wellbeing of children and adolescents [ 1 ]. Although bullying occurs in many contexts [ 2 ], it is predominantly prevalent within a school setting [ 3 , 4 ]. For instance, over 90% of primary and secondary school students in Australia witnessed verbal bullying, and more than 60% witnessed physical bullying in their schools [ 5 ]. Moreover, a study on the prevalence of being bullied in South Australian schools depicted that approximately one of every two secondary school students experienced victimization by peers while at school [ 3 ].

The problem of violence and bullying is also prevalent in Ethiopia [ 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 ]. A study in Addis Ababa revealed that 84% of teachers and directors confirmed that violence is a problem in and around primary and secondary schools, mainly targeting girls and smaller children [ 7 ]. Similarly, a national study in Ethiopia revealed that 13.1% and 16.7% of children have been left out and hit by other children, respectively, in their class [ 10 ].

The situation of school bullying in the East Gojjam Zone does not seem an exception. For example, in the 2014 academic year, more than 57% of students in Menkorer High School at Debre Markos Town, the capital of East Gojjam Administrative Zone, experienced physical and sexual violence [ 11 ].

School bullying is viewed as a group phenomenon that, in addition to bullies and victims, involves a large number of bystanders who witness bullying [ 12 , 13 , 14 ]. For instance, two studies in Canada illustrated that peer bystanders were present in more than five out of six bullying episodes [ 13 , 14 ]. Another natural observational research also reported that peers were present closely in nine out of ten bullying episodes [ 13 ]. Although bullying often occurs in the presence of large bystanders who have a high potential to reduce it, most do not intervene to stop it [ 13 , 14 ].

In bullying situations, bystanders may take the following four roles: (1) assistants, who join in the bully’s side (2) reinforcers, who encourage bullies (3) passive bystanders, who merely watch what is happening and (4) defenders, who stand up on behalf of victims [ 12 ]. Recent studies proposed three forms of bystander roles as passive bystanders, defenders, and pro-bully/bully supporters/by combining the roles of assistant and reinforcers [ 15 ].

A study in 1220 elementary school children from grades four to six found that low scores on the anti-bullying attitude scale were associated with bullying, assisting the bully, and reinforcing the bully. In contrast, high scores on that scale were related to defending the victim and remaining passive in bullying situations [ 16 ]. Since passive bystanders scored high in anti-bullying attitude and moral disapproval scores of bullying, it is easier to change them to the defenders than assistants and reinforcers. Thus, passive bystanders were the focus of this study. Besides, passive bystanders and defenders account for more than half of the bystanders who could play a key role in reducing bullying. To our knowledge, no previous studies in Ethiopia estimated the extent of defenders and passive bystanders during bullying in primary and general secondary school students. Thus, one of the focuses of this study was to estimate the extent of defending and passive bystanding behaviors during school bullying.

Empirical findings reported gender differences in defending and passive bystanding behavior [ 5 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 ]. Several studies revealed that girls are more involved in defending the victim [ 16 , 17 , 20 , 21 , 22 ] and remaining passive in bullying situations than boys, whereas boys were more involved in supporting bullies as assistants and reinforcers than girls [ 16 , 17 , 20 , 23 ]. In addition, some studies have shown a significant association between the gender of the bystander, the gender of the bully, and the victim [ 13 ]. Their findings suggest that boys are more likely to defend when the bully or victim is male, whereas girls are more likely to defend when the bully or victim is female. Likewise, some studies [ 24 , 25 ] documented that students were more likely to defend their same-sex peers than opposite-sex peers. This shows that previous studies emphasized sex differences and how bystanders are more likely to help the same sex victim [ 17 , 18 , 19 ]. They did not answer the question, “To what extent do female and/or male bystanders defend or remain passive upon witnessing a girl victimizing a boy, a boy victimizing a boy, a boy victimizing a girl, and a girl victimizing a girl. Thus, further research is needed to fill these knowledge gaps.

Furthermore, bystanders’ relationships with the victim or bully may also influence defending or passive bystanding behavior [ 26 , 27 ]. These studies revealed that bystanders who had a close relationship with the victim are more likely to help the victim, whereas those who had a close relationship with the perpetrator and no relationship with the victim are more likely to remain passive; sometimes it may even initiate co-bullying [ 26 ]. The motives for co-bullying or non-intervention, were reported to come from fear of friendship loss, perceived peer pressure, or to not disprove the actions of friends.

In the culture of Amhara, when one's close relative or friend is attacked, he/she will not watch the incident passively. At least, he/she is expected to separate the bully and the victim. This strong social bond among Amhara society [ 28 ] makes it reasonable to include bystanders’ relationship with the bully and victim in the study.

Research question

This research planned to answer the following questions:

To what extent do students defend or remain passive during bullying incidents in primary and secondary schools in East Gojjam Administrative Zone?

To what extent do male and female bystanders defend or remain passive upon witnessing a boy victimizing a boy, a boy victimizing a girl, a girl victimizing a girl, and a girl victimizing a boy?

Does the relationship between the bystander and the victim or the bystander and the bully make a difference in the bystander’s reaction?

This study aimed to estimate the prevalence and examine the association between bystander’s sex, her/his relationship with the victim and with the bully, and bystander’s reaction to school bullying in East Gojjam Administrative Zone, Ethiopia.

Study design

This study followed an explanatory sequential mixed methods design [ 29 , 30 ] with quantitative data collection and analysis in the first phase and qualitative data collection and analysis in the second phase. Mixed methods design was selected to other designs since the complex nature of bystanding behaviors during school bullying requires an investigation from multiple ways.

The study was conducted in primary and general secondary schools from Aneded, Debre Markos, Enebesie Sar Medir, Enemay, and Machakel Woredas of East Gojjam Administrative Zone, Amhara National Regional State, Ethiopia. These five Woredas consists of 181 second cycle primary schools (Grades 5–8) and 19 secondary schools (grades 9 and 10). Primary and general secondary schools from Woredas in East Gojjam Administrative Zone were selected due to bullying prevalence and its serious consequences. In addition to familiarity with the language and culture, the researcher works in the study area that may contribute to the study.

Participants and sampling techniques

The quantitative data were drawn from 612 students aged 12–16 years attending five primary schools in grades 7and 8 and five general secondary schools in grades 9 and 10 (see Table 1 ). To select participants for this study, we used a multistage cluster sampling procedure. In the first stage, we subdivided the 19 Woredas of East Gojjam Administrative Zone into five groups based on the number of students’ population from grades 7–10. From each group, we selected one woreda randomly. Then, from each woreda, one general secondary school was chosen randomly. Next, for accessibility and comparison purposes, from all primary schools in the area where the selected general secondary schools were situated, one primary school from each woreda was selected by using lottery method. Then, one class from each grade in each school was selected by applying lottery method. Accordingly, 20 classes of students from both primary and general secondary schools (10 classes each) were invited to participate in the study.

On the other hand, the qualitative data were drawn from 18 participants (9 boys and 9 girls) who witnessed bullying incidents. To select participants, a purposive sampling technique was employed. With the help of school principals, homeroom teachers, and classroom representatives, students who usually defend or passively watch when witnessing bullying incidents were selected. Participants’ age ranged from 14 to 16 years, and more than 22% were from rural areas. Concerning grade level, five students were from grade seven, four students from grade eight, five students from grade nine, and four students from grade ten.

Inclusion and exclusion criteria

All students who were attending grades 7–10 education in 20 classes were included in the study. Those students who witnessed bullying were also included in the study. Those students outside the age range of 12–16 years, who did not witness bullying, and absent from class during data collection were excluded from the study.

Data collection instruments

Questionnaire.

To collect quantitative data, self-report questionnaires have been adapted from previous sources [ 17 ]. To estimate the prevalence and examine the association between bystander’s sex, her/his relationship with the victim and with the bully, and bystander’s reaction to school bullying, participants were asked to recall one particular incident where they witnessed a student/s bullying another student since the beginning of this semester. The items included in the questionnaire were: “Describe in brief the nature of the bullying incident you witnessed,” “When and where the bullying incident happened,” “Describe the characteristics of the victim and the bully (sex, grade, bystander’s relationship with the victim/bully such as close relative, close friend, classmate, a person that I knew but have no close relationship, or person that I did not know),” and “What did you do when you witnessed bullying incident?”.

A bystander was placed into categories of defender, passive bystander, and bully supporter based on his/her reactions to the bullying incident in the school:

If a student answers, “I joined in the bullying when the bully had started it,” “I assisted the bullying by doing something for the bully”, and/or “I giggled, laughed, shouted, or made similar reactions,” s/he is categorized under “bully supporter.”

If a student answers, “I kept looking at the bullying without siding anyone,” “Nothing, I went away from the situation,” and/or “Nothing, I pretended not to notice what was happening,” s/he is categorized under “passive bystander.”

If a student answers, “I tried to help in some way but was not successful,” and/or I tried to help in some way and was successful,” s/he is categorized under “defender.”

The English version of the instrument was translated into the Amharic language by three language experts who have Ph.D. in Teaching Amharic, Linguistic, and Teaching English as a Foreign Language and whose mother tongue was Amharic. The principal investigator of this study synthesized a single version by combining the best cultural translation of each item. The appropriateness of the synthesized translated version was judged by three language experts (two Amharic, one English) and two psychologists. By taking into account the feedback offered by professionals, in view of the study's objectives and reviewed literature, the researcher of this study revised the synthesized translated version of the instrument. An expert from Debre Markos University who had a doctoral degree in Teaching English as a Foreign Language back-translated the synthesized version from Amharic into English. Moreover, the Amharic version of the instrument was submitted to seven psychology instructors of Debre Markos University to assess the instruments' content validity. Based on comments of experts, some items were modified. Finally, the questionnaire was administered to the participants during the period 01–31 January 2019.

Semi-structure interview

The interviews were conducted face to face by the principal investigator from 01 April to 02 May 2019 using semi-structured open-ended items with probing questions. Interviews were conducted at the offices of the counselor, or school director lasted between 30 and 45 min. Students were alone (not accompanied by guardians/parents) when interviews were administered. All interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed, and notes were taken properly. Items in the interview guide include: “If you have witnessed someone being bullied by another student, tell me what happened?”, “How did you feel when you saw bullying happening?”, “What did you do when you witnessed bullying happening? Why?”, “Who else witnessed the bullying situations besides you?”, “What did they do when this was happening?”, “Why do you think they reacted this way?”, “Why do you think that some students defend and others remain silent in bullying incidents?” and “How do you describe boys and girls' engagement in defending or passive bystanding behaviors?”.

Data analysis techniques

Researchers employed percentage to describe the rate of defending and passive bystanding behavior during bullying incidents for data analysis. Chi-square test of independence was used to check the association between bystanders’ sex, their relationship with the victim and with the bully, and their reaction to the bullying incident. Thematic analysis [ 31 ] was used to analyze the qualitative data.

Ethical considerations

Addis Ababa University School of Psychology Ethical Review Committee exempted the study from requiring ethical clearance and suggested collecting letter of permission from the school of Psychology. Accordingly, a letter of permission was collected from the School of Psychology, Addis Ababa University.

Permission letters were submitted to East Gojjam Administrative Zone Education Office. The office itself wrote a letter of permission to school directors. After receiving permission from school directors, students were also asked their willingness to participate in the study. Before data collection, informed assent and passive consent were secured from students and parents, respectively. Students were also informed that they would be free to omit any questions they did not want to answer. The participants were also informed that their identity would not be disclosed to any third party, and the information they provided would be kept confidential.

The extent of defenders, passive bystanders, and bully supporters

Out of 511 participants who reported witnessing a single bullying incident, 55% of bystanders reported being passive bystanders, and 38% of them reported being defenders (see Table 2 ). The Chi-Square test revealed significant differences between the three percentages, x 2 (2, N = 511) = 181.131, p  = 0.000.

In the semi-structured interview, all of the participants agreed that most of the students did not want to defend the victims when witnessing school bullying. For instance, One interviewee stated, “Those who stand and watch victimization were larger than those who defend because they have the interest to see the fight and to know who wins at the end.”

The extent of students involved in defending, passive bystanding, and bully supporting by bully-victim sex

As shown in Table 3 , 39.3% of bystanders witnessed male victimizing male, 33.1% witnessed male victimizing female, 20.2% witnessed female victimizing female, and 7.4% witnessed female victimizing male.

Since the bully support role expected frequencies were less than 5 in more than 8% of the cells [ 32 ], and the purpose of the study focused on defending and passive bystanding behaviors, the bully support role was removed from further analysis (see Table 4 ).

The Chi-Square test revealed no significant association between bully-victim sex and bystander’s reaction, χ 2 (3, N = 475) = 1.956, p  = 0.58, Cramer’s V = 0.06.

The extent to which male and female bystanders defend, or remain passive upon witnessing victimization across bully-victim sex

Tables 5 , 6 , 7 and 8 summarizes that 67.2% of males and 32.8% females had witnessed male victimizing male, 31.2% males, and 68.8% females witnessed male victimizing femalel, 14.4% males and 85.6% females witnessed female victimizing female, and 63.9% males and 36.1% females witnessed female victimizing male.

Among students who witnessed male victimizing male, 40.2% of boys and 38.7% of girls defended victims. Besides, 36% of boys and 49.1% of girls who witnessed male victimizing female helped victims in some way. Regarding students who saw female victimizing female, 46.2% of boys and 35.1% of girls defended victims. Moreover, 30.4% of boys and 53.8% of girls helped victims when witnessing female victimizing male.

The Chi-Square test revealed no significant association between bystander’s sex with victimization across bully-victim sex and bystander’s reaction. The Chi-Square test values were χ 2 (1, N = 189) = 0.001, p  = 0.974, phi  = − 0.014, for students witnessing male victimizing male; χ 2 (1, N = 160) = 1.881, p  = 0.170, phi  = − 0.122, for students witnessing male victimizing female; and χ 2 (1, N = 36) = 1.057, p  = 0.304, phi  = − 0.231, for students witnessing female victimizing male.

The interview data revealed that boys and girls intervened when witnessing school bullying. For instance, Hermela noted, “When male victimizes female, mostly girls hold girls and boys hold boys.” Kidist, a ninth-grade student, also indicated, “When female victimizes female, both boys and girls may intervene.”

The qualitative data demonstrated a dissimilar intervention approach between girls and boys when witnessing male physically victimizing male. Male students, most of the time, defend directly when witnessing male physically victimizing male. On the other hand, girls can participate in defending indirectly by screaming or calling other students or reporting the case to the school authority. For instance, Hermela says, “When male physically attacks male, mostly boys and teachers directly intervene.” Debasu, an eighth-grade student said “If a girl directly intervenes when male is victimized, rumors will spread which show the girl has love affair with the victim.”

The extent of students’ participation in defending and passive bystanding behavior by relationship with the victim or bully

As indicated in Tables 9 and 10 , bystanders were asked to report their relationship with victims and bullies. Among those who reported their relationship with victims and bullies, 3.6% and 3.8% reported to be relatives, 26.7% and 11.6% close friends, 24.6% and 24.2% classmates, 24.6% and 26.3% knew the victim/bully, but have no close relationships, and 20.4% and 34.1% did not know the victim and bully, respectively. Among those who reported their relationship with the victim, 52.9% of relatives, 60.6% of close friends, and 47.8% of classmates defended the victim. Similarly, among those who reported their relationship with the bully, 61.1% of relatives, 49.1% of close friends, and 47% of classmates defended the victim.

The Chi-Square test revealed that there is a significant association between the relationship with the victim and bystander’s reaction, χ 2 (4, 475) = 32.79, p  < 0.001, phi = − 0.263; and between relationship with the bully and bystander’s reaction, χ 2 (4, N = 475) = 9.847, p  = 0.043, phi  = − 0.114.

The qualitative data through interview indicated that bystanders’ close relationship with the victim or/and bully as key determinant of defending upon witnessing school bullying. For instance, Debasu said “I have entered (involved in defending) because both the perpetrators and the victims were my friends.” A grade eight student named Binyam stated, “Students who are relative or close friends…to the victim/bully would not have any role other than separating the bully and the victim.” Hermela also noted that relatives, friends, and teachers are defenders during victimization.

On the other hand, not being a friend of the bully or the victim was reported as a possible reason for bystanders’ passive bystanding. For instance, Hermela mentioned “bystanders’ not being the friend of the bully or the victim as one reason for bystanders to surround and watch bullying events. Had the bystanders been friends of the victim/bully, they would have intervened or they would have called a teacher.”

The extent to which students defend or passively watch during bullying incidents

The findings of this study revealed that a larger proportion of students remained passive upon witnessing school bullying. Fifty five percent of bystanders were involved in passive bystanding behavior, and 38% of them involved in defending behavior.

The interview data also supported the findings of the quantitative data. All participants of the interview reported that many bystanders most often stood by passively, and only some of them defended the victim. Many participants concisely stated that when students in school witness bullying incidents, most of them often stand and observe while a small number of others decide to defend.

These findings are consistent with prior studies [ 14 , 17 ]. For instance, a study conducted on college students who recalled bullying events occurring in junior high school and high school students with the same method reported that 59% of bystanders chose to remain passive upon witnessing bullying situations, and 31% of them were involved in defending on behalf of the victims [ 17 ]. Similar findings were also reported in an observational study conducted in two Toronto school children in Canada [ 14 ]. Even the percentages are very close to the ones this study found.

There are various explanations attributed to the surpassing of passive bystanders to defenders in East Gojjam Administrative Zone. One reason for passivity of bystanders during bullying incidents may involve the gradual decline of helping relationships due to urbanization. In the past, people do not often standby and watch when one individual victimized another. Findings in Yetmen, East Gojjam, revealed that when conflicts arise within and between households, they were usually resolved by neighbors. If neighbors cannot solve the problem, relatives of the two parties consider the problem and try to address it. If this level of conflict resolution fails, the elder of the community get involved [ 28 ]. So, helping each other during an emergency was the norm. Due to urbanization, the norms of helping relationships are changing somehow in the current East Gojjam. Another possible explanation for more passive bystanders to defenders involves fear of revenge. If the perpetrator is older and/or physically stronger than the bystander, the bystanders are more likely to remain passive. Student bystanders may believe that defending on behalf of the victim could lead the older/or stronger bully to attack the defender later. Many other personal and situational factors (e.g., lower level of bystander’s self-efficacy, empathy, lower number of close friends, bullying experiences, high moral disengagement) may also be used to explain greater proportions of passive bystanders to defenders in bullying situations [ 17 , 20 , 22 , 26 , 33 ].

The quantitative findings demonstrated that there were no significant difference between boys and girls in defending and passive bystanding behaviors upon witnessing a boy victimizing a boy, a boy victimizing a girl, and a girl victimizing a boy.

According to the interview data, both boys and girls can intervene when a boy victimizes a boy. But, their style of intervention may differ. Boys may intervene directly when witnessing physical bullying, whereas girls may intervene indirectly. Many participants said that boys, teachers, and adults directly intervene when a boy physically victimizes a boy. One possible reason for the direct intervention of more boys than girls was that if a girl intervenes directly when a boy victimizes a boy, rumors of love between the girl and the victim will spread. In the culture of the study area, having a boyfriend for a girl and a girlfriend for a boy is not a commonly accepted norm at that age level. If they establish such kinds of friendship, they do not disclose it to others. If other students know the relationship, they become the target of the rumor. So as to avoid being the target of the rumor, the girl will decide to use indirect strategies to help the victim.

Another possible explanation for more direct defending of boys than girls in physical bullying was that boys were more often socialized and culturally expected to defend directly than girls. Let alone defending on behalf of the victim, boys are expected to be a winner in any fight by their families and are not accepted by families if beaten up by anyone. If they fail to win the fight, their parents could further beat them. Though girls’ involvement in separating the bully and the victim is less direct, they frequently call defenders by screaming.

The finding also indicated that when a boy victimizes a girl, a girl victimizes a girl, and a girl victimizes a boy, most of the interview participants reported that both boys and girls are engaged in defending. This finding partly contradicts some other findings [ 24 , 25 ]. To explain these findings further, future researches are needed.

The current study revealed that students who were reported to be close friends, classmates, and relatives of the victims appear to defend the victim more than persons who either knew the victim or did not know them. Consistent with the current study, five studies included in one systematic review have examined the association between friendship with students involved in bullying situations and defending [ 33 ]. The studies revealed that youth were more likely to defend when the victimized youth was their friend, relative to a neutral peer. Similarly, some studies [ 26 , 27 ] revealed the association between bystanders’ close relationship with the victim and helping. For example, suppose a bystander is watching one’s own friend being bullied. In that case, the situation evokes more distressing emotions of empathy, sympathy, guilt, or anger and a stronger moral obligation and responsibility to intervene to help one’s friend [ 27 ].

The findings from the interview data also corroborated the quantitative results. The study showed that after bystanders witnessed bullying incidents, they evaluate their relationships (friendship, kinship, and disliking) with the bully, victim, or both before deciding to defend or passively watch the bullying incident. If bystanders witness victims with intimate relationships (friendship and blood relationship), they are more likely to defend the victim. Participants mentioned being close friends, relatives, and teachers with the victim as contributing factors to defending.

The finding that students who were reported to be relatives, close friends, and classmates of the bully appear to defend the victim more than persons who know and those who did not know the bully was unexpected. The qualitative interview also supported this finding. Some interview participants disclosed that having a close relationship with the bully would motivate the bystander to assist the victim. If bystanders are close friends or relatives of the bully, they can enter with confidence to protect the victim believing that the bully will not attack them later. Another possible reason for bystanders who have close relationships with the bully to stop the bully could be the belief that the problem will worsen and affect the whole family and its relatives. However, one participant reported that if bystanders have a close relationship with the bully, they might assist the bully to harm the victim further. Thus, further studies are needed.

Limitations of the study

The current study has some limitations. First, the study participants were limited to young and middle adolescents in East Gojjam Administrative Zone. This could reduce the diversity of the sample and the generalizability of the findings. Had I included adults as well, the findings could have been more generalizable. Second, the quantitative and qualitative findings on defending and passive bystanding behaviors were based on self-report measures. In self-reporting data, study participants may not always provide honest evidences. Third, the current research was cross-sectional, where cause and effect relationships could not be inferred.

Fourth, it is expected that if the perpetrator is older and/or physically stronger than the bystander, the bystander is more likely to remain passive during the incident of bullying. However, the current study did not collect information on age and/or physical differences between bully and bystander. If future studies include age and physical differences between the bystander and the bully, it would have more insights into school bullying literature.

Practice of defending among students attending their education in governmental primary and secondary schools in East Gojjam Administrative Zone was low. Close social relationships (being close friends, relatives, and classmates) with the victim and bully were significantly associated with the practice of defending. The findings of our qualitative study also showed that the number of passive bystanders was larger than defenders during witnessing school bullying; and bystanders’ close relationship with the victim, or/and bully as key determinants of defending.

High prevalence of passive bystanding behavior demand prevention programs that can discourage bullying in schools among bystanders in bullying situations through encouraging defending behavior irrespective of bully-victim sex, and helping bystanders establish close social relationships with the victim or/and bully.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets that support the findings of this study are not publically available at present. The authors need to use the data for further works before data could be made available. Besides, we have not received consent from participants to share the data on the web but, will be available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

The authors would like to thank Addis Ababa University for its financial support. We would also like to thank teachers at primary and secondary schools in East Gojjam Administrative Zone for their invaluable assistance in collecting data. Finally, we would like to acknowledge principals for facilitating the data collection and all participants of this study for their time and patience in responding to our interviews and questionnaires.

Addis Ababa University financially supported this study. However, the University did not have any role in the design of the study, data collection, and analysis, as well as in the interpretation of data and writing this manuscript.

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TDE has been involved in the study concept and design, data acquisition, drafting the manuscript, administrative, statistical analysis, and interpretation of the data and final proof of the manuscript. SZT has been involved in the study concept and design, technical and study supervision, and manuscript revision. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Eijigu, T.D., Teketel, S.Z. Bullying in schools: prevalence, bystanders’ reaction and associations with sex and relationships. BMC Psychol 9 , 183 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40359-021-00685-5

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What happened to Nex Benedict?

Nex Benedict was frequently targeted by bullies at their Oklahoma high school because of their gender identity. Kasandra Phelps via GoFundMe hide caption

Nex Benedict was frequently targeted by bullies at their Oklahoma high school because of their gender identity.

If you or someone you know may be considering suicide or is in crisis, call or text 988 to reach the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline.

Last month, nonbinary teenager Nex Benedict was found dead at home the day after an altercation at school, where they were attacked by a group of their classmates in a restroom.

Benedict, a 16-year-old Indigenous person who used both he/him and they/them pronouns according to friends and family , had been targeted by bullies at their Oklahoma high school because of their gender identity, according to Sue Benedict, who has been identified in various media reports as either Nex Benedict's mother or their grandmother and guardian.

"I didn't know how bad it had gotten," Sue Benedict told The Independent .

Though the school nurse determined that ambulance service was not required following the attack on Benedict, it was recommended that they "visit a medical facility for further examination," Owasso, Okla., police said .

Sue Benedict told Public Radio Tulsa that she took Nex to the hospital for treatment for injuries sustained in the fight, but body cam footage shows a police officer discouraging the family from filing a report, saying that it would open up the family to legal liability.

The officer added that it would be a shame for any of the students to have to deal with a criminal situation for "something so minuscule," though Benedict disclosed that they had experienced bullying for a full year prior to this attack.

The day after the incident, Benedict collapsed at home, and was later pronounced dead.

Owasso Public Schools released a statement to the community, writing, "The loss of a student, a member of the Ram Family and the Owasso community, is devastating," but said it would limit its statements "out of respect and for the confidentiality for all involved."

Following Benedict's death, community members held vigils, LGBTQ+ rights organizations issued statements, and many were left wondering: What happened to Nex Benedict?

The latest on the case

On March 21, prosecutors in Oklahoma announced that they would not be pressing charges against against anyone involved in the school fight, with Tulsa County District Attorney Steve Kunzweiler stating that the fight was "an instance of mutual combat" and that juvenile charges were "not warranted."

Oklahoma prosecutors will not press charges in Nex Benedict case

"Time and time again, leaders in Oklahoma have showed that they don't value Nex's life, or the lives of other Indigenous and 2STGNC+ (Two Spirit, transgender, gender-noncoforming+) students," said Sarah-Kate Ellis, President and CEO of the LGBTQ+ media advocacy organization, GLAAD.

"Everyone from Superintendent Walters and Owasso High School to the unaccredited-since-2009 state Medical Examiner's Office, the District Attorney, and Owasso Police Department have failed Nex Benedict and failed us all," Ellis said, adding an independent investigation is needed to understand the truth of what happened to Benedict.

According to Kunzweiler, Owasso police found brief notes written by Benedict that "appeared to be related to the suicide," and aside from clarifying that the notes do not mention the fight at school, no further information has been provided about their contents.

Questions over the medical examiner's findings

According to the Oklahoma Medical Examiner's office, Benedict died by suicide.

"From the beginning of this investigation, Owasso Police observed many indications that this death was the result of suicide," the police department said in a statement , with a summary autopsy report saying that Benedict died after consuming two different types of medication.

Many expressed their condolences following the alleged findings, including President Biden.

"Every young person deserves to have the fundamental right and freedom to be who they are, and feel safe and supported at school and in their communities," Biden said in a statement following the news, adding that Benedict, "a kid who just wanted to be accepted, should still be here with us today."

"In memory of Nex, we must all recommit to our work to end discrimination and address the suicide crisis impacting too many nonbinary and transgender children," the president added.

Nex Benedict's hometown holds vigil for the teen who died after altercation at school

Rates of suicide are disproportionately high for transgender youth in comparison to their cisgender counterparts, but transgender people of color face even higher rates of suicide risk.

In a 2023 national survey on LGBTQ+ youth mental health by the Trevor Project , an LGBTQ+ anti-suicide organization, Native/Indigenous youth LGBTQ+ consistently reported the highest suicide risk among racial and ethnic groups, with nearly one in four Indigenous LGBTQ+ youth reporting attempts on their own lives.

But advocates, supporters, and even Benedict's own family have remained skeptical of the report, which has still not been released. The autopsy summary did not include the exact amounts of each medication found in Benedict's system.

"Rather than allow incomplete accounts to take hold and spread any further, the Benedicts feel compelled to provide a summary of those findings which have not yet been released by the Medical Examiner's office, particularly those that contradict allegations of the assault on Nex being insignificant," said a press release from the Benedict family attorneys.

The release also showed a section of the summary autopsy report, which reported that while Benedict did not sustain "lethal trauma," they did have multiple injuries to their head, neck and torso, which the lawyers say clearly shows "the severity of the assault."

"There is nothing in this one page document to explain why the medical examiner checked a box," said Ellis , on the decision to list suicide as Benedict's cause of death.

"Media must have learned by now that they need to continue to question what they get from law enforcement and government entities in Oklahoma that have so far failed to protect vulnerable students and responsibly provide any information that is critical for student safety," Ellis said.

Sue Benedict told The Independent that Nex started being bullied at school after Oklahoma's Republican governor, Kevin Stitt, signed a bill in 2022 that forbade trans and nonbinary youth from using bathrooms concurrent with their gender identities.

In 2023, Stitt followed up the bathroom ban with a ban on gender-affirming care for trans youth in the state, one of 87 anti-trans bills that passed in the U.S. last year, according to the Trans Legislation Tracker .

Just three months into the current year, 523 anti-trans bills have been introduced in state legislatures.

And trans youth report that these legal restrictions on their freedom are having direct impacts on their mental health.

According to the Trevor Project's survey , nearly one in three LGBTQ+ youth said their "mental health was poor most of the time or always due to anti-LGBTQ policies and legislation."

The Human Rights Campaign (HRC) said in a statement , "We must demand better from our elected officials and reject harmful anti-transgender legislation at the local, state and federal levels, while also considering every possible way to make ending this violence a reality."

What happens next?

On March 1, the U.S. Department of Education's Office of Civil Rights (OCR) notified the Human Rights Campaign that in response to an HRC complaint filed around Benedict's death, the office would be investigating the Owasso public school district for potential violations of Title IX, which prevents discrimination based on sex, and Title II, which stipulates that schools must prevent bullying and harassment.

However, the timeline for the investigation is unknown.

"The goal of an OCR investigation is to determine whether an alleged civil rights violation took place and to decide what district reforms are appropriate based on what the investigation uncovered," Rachel Perera, a governance studies fellow at the Brookings Institution, wrote.

While the OCR can withdraw federal funding from a school district if the investigation finds violations of civil rights law, "enforcement actions are rare," added Perera in her written commentary.

The case could also potentially be referred to the Department of Justice for further action, but what will come out of the investigation and whether its findings will be escalated still remains to be seen.

Many are hoping that Benedict's death could spur further action that aims to deter bullying in schools.

"Reforms creating school environments that are built upon the pillars of respect, inclusion and grace, and aim to eliminate bullying and hate, are the types of change that all involved should be able to rally behind," said the Benedict family's counsel.

But Sue Benedict is still mourning her loss.

"I just want my child back," she said.

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Campus Bullying In The Senior High School: A Qualitative Case Study

2019, International Journal of Scientific and Technology Research

The purpose of this qualitative case study was to describe the campus bullying experiences of senior high school students in a certain secondary school at Davao City, Philippines. Three senior high school students who experienced bullying in the campus were chosen through purposive sampling. In-depth interview, observation and field notes were utilized in the gathering of data. The study ensured that ethical considerations were observed during its conduct. It highly followed the components of trustworthiness namely credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability to ensure the validity of the qualitative data. Based on the narratives and thematic analysis, study revealed that victims of bullying experienced name-calling or verbal abuse, physical bullying, and social discrimination. Passivity, optimism and perseverance, and peer-support system help students cope with the adverse and traumatic experiences of bullying. Along with the insights and realizations, the study emphasized that campus bullying leads to emotional distress and low self-esteem, bullies should be sensitive to others' emotions, and bullying should be minimized, if not avoided, in the school. Hence, a call to address such predicament is highly encouraged in order to create a learning environment where students are safe and protected from any form of abuse.

Related Papers

International Journal of Scientific & Technology Research

Muhamad Hasan Abdillah

One of the problems in education is the high cases of bullying. Bullying in the school environment is the result of various interacting factors, therefore bullying is a complex socio-cultural phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the results of previous studies in the psychology field, which are related to bullying through a literature review study approach. Literature review searches were conducted on electronic journal articles, and electronic books from ScienceDirect, Taylor & Francis Online, Sage Journal, Emerald Insight, Wiley Online Library, Springer Link, ERIC Institute of Education Sciences, APA PsycNet with the keywords bullying. The searching results obtained 73 electronic journals from 2000-2017 and 26 electronic books from 1993-2017. The reference journals and books are written in English. Therefore, based on these criteria, finally selected 23 studies based on keywords, characteristics of research subjects, and are primary studies. The writing results ...

Clifford Gomba

Bullying at schools has been reported to be problematic with regards to students' safety and academic achievement. Inasmuch as various scholars have delved into the problem of bullying, few have focused the issue from the perspective of the bully, the victim, and the bystander. The aim of this study is to discover and understand bullying behaviours at a Zimbabwean co-ed rural boarding school focusing specifically on the perceptions of students who identified themselves as bullies, victims, and bystanders. Participants (N = 6) were students at the school and identified themselves as bullies, victims, or bystanders. Data was collected mainly through interviews done behind closed doors for privacy purposes and also through observation technique. The results of this case study research showed that bullying was rife at the boarding school with school prefects using their position to bully other students. In addition, victims protected bullies and bystanders felt powerless to intervene least they become the next victim. The study also found that causes of bullying were intrinsic, inherent hatred, home background status, teacher favouritism, jealousy, unreported previous cases, complacency of teachers and lack of concrete structures that keep bullying under constant check. The study recommended that schools have concrete, rigorously enforced anti-bullying structures, rules, and regulations, with students being conscientized on the ills of bullying behaviour. Students across schools should be empowered to report bullying so that they do not suffer in silence.

Koers - Bulletin for Christian Scholarship

Corene De Wet

American Academic & Scholarly Research Journal

Hanadi Mirza

Bullying is a dangerous phenomenon because it is a continuous act that causes problems at school, university and even at work. Bullying comes in different forms; and one way of addressing this phenomenon has been through mediation programs that aim for student-peer mediation and that create a safe environments at schools. This present study investigated teachers’ perceptions of teachers being bullied by their superiors or having witnessing other teachers being bullied. It also investigates whether teachers believed measures against bullying were taken on the part of management. 154 professionals participated in the study. According to the surveyed teachers, their superiors don’t bully them. The data gathered indicated that these superiors do not humiliate them in public nor in private. Very few teachers admitted to being humiliated by their superiors (between 6% and 24%). Moreover, some teachers in Lebanon experience bullying and that female superiors were more prone to be the bullies and not much is being done regarding addressing the issue of bullying. An alarming finding is the fact that one teacher admitted to solving bullying incidents through beating the bully. The study reveals that mediation should be implemented in Lebanese schools to teachers as well.

Englisia: Journal of Language, Education, and Humanities

Saiful Akmal

Issues and incidents of bullying may take place, regardless of time and place, notwithstanding at Islamic education institutions. This study is aimed at finding out types of bullying and their triggering factors taking place in the university classroom; examining steps taken by lecturers to anticipate and prevent classroom bullying; and analyzing the impact of bullying on EFL students’ academic achievement. This mixed-methods study involved 546 students and 30 lecturers of the English Language Education Department at three state Islamic universities in Indonesia; Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah in Jakarta, Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga in Yogyakarta, and Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry in Banda Aceh. Both surveys and interviews were employed to collect the required data. The findings elucidate that physical, social, verbal, and racial are among the most common emergent bullying incidents the students experienced. Revealing the triggering factors of bullying...

International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health

Helen Cowie

Keywords: cyberbullying; peer support; bystanders; moral disengagement; cyberbullying and the law; mental health; social environment; cyberbullying interventions; educational lifespan.

Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties

DR. DAVID C . BUENO

This study focused on the prevalence of bullying among senior high school learners (SHSL) in a Catholic school. The researchers utilized the descriptive cross-sectional design, closed-ended survey-questionnaire, and descriptive statistics for data analysis. All the senior high school teachers teaching among over 1,500 SHSL participated in the study. Verbal, emotional and physical bullying were prevalent almost weekly among SHSL. The bullying victims were usually thin, fat, considered ugly, talk or sound differently, shy, and those with low self-esteem. The bullies were cool and wanted to feel superior, powerful, and usually have psychological and family-related problems. There was a tendency for the bullies to feel better and impress others. Bullying behavior was a result of being from a broken home, copying parents' aggressive behavior, watching violent films, teachers' poor classroom management, retaliation for being bullied in the past, and feeling older or stronger than others, which may result to being fearful, lonely, and depressed. Reporting to family members, school counselors and authorities, being absent from school, and avoiding the bullies are the common strategies manifested by the bullied learners. The results indicated that bullying is prevalent and a problem in the school setting. Results indicated that bullying is a problem in the catholic school setting. This study demonstrated that if school authorities can bring their ideas together with a plan to help learners and other adults identify bullying, the negative behavior as effect of bullying may be decreased or prevented. The school authorities may enhance the prevention strategies towards safer school environment.

Fathul Lubabin Nuqul

The present study examines the relationship between Dark Triad Personality traits with cyberbullying behavior. Adolescents age 12-18 years old (N = 2407) completed a questionnaire on Machiavellianism, Psychopathy, and Narcissism traits, as well as the degree to which they cyberbullied others in the four weeks ago. Correlations showed that all three Dark Triad traits has significant positive correlation with cyberbullying. Multiple regression analysis showed that Machiavellianism emerged as the strongest predictor of cyberbullying, followed closely by Psychopathy and Narcissism respectively. These findings reinforce existing research that has suggested that personality traits are predictors of cyberbullying behavior among adolescents.

Dr. Deana Plaskon

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Student Opinion

What Is Teenage Bullying Like Today?

An Opinion columnist writes that meanness among teenagers hasn’t gone away, it’s just gotten more stealthy. Do you agree?

By Natalie Proulx

Have you ever watched an old high school movie — say, “Mean Girls,” “The Breakfast Club” or “Clueless” — and been shocked by the insults the teenagers in the film hurled at one another? Did they use names and terms that you and your friends wouldn’t dare use today?

If so, do you think members of your generation are nicer to one another than those of previous generations? Or is bullying just different now?

In the Opinion essay “ ‘Mean Girls’ Has Lost Its Bite. Girls Haven’t ,” Jessica Bennett writes that while teenagers today are more aware of the importance of inclusivity, they still aren’t as kind as the new “Mean Girls” musical movie makes them seem. Instead, thanks to technology, teenage torture has become more subtle:

Passive aggression isn’t just “No offense, but” before delivering a stinging insult. It’s a soft block (blocking, then unblocking on social media, so that the person no longer follows you and then wonders why) for just a hint that you’re mad or removing people from a close friends group on Instagram, so that they can no longer view your Stories — but without ever telling them, so they are left to wonder what happened. People get dropped from group chats or are abandoned as new ones are started. Stealth meanness can be as covert as tagging someone in an unflattering photo or as clever as posting a celebratory birthday post for your bestie — but one that’s purposely less effusive than the one you posted for your other friend. “The phones make everything more exclusive,” said Poppy, 13, of New York. “When people leave others ‘on read’ even for a little” — she’s talking about having a text sit unanswered — “it can hurt the other person’s feelings even if that’s not the intention.” Hearing about the unwritten rules of today’s cafeteria dynamics made me almost pine for the simplicity of “you can’t sit with us.” A teenager in Michigan told me she unfollowed a classmate on Instagram because the girl had liked what she posted too quickly. It was “too thirsty,” she said. Another teenager, in Maryland, explained how a former friend would use their text chats as a way to constantly shift from hot to cold — acting friendly at school, then leaving her texts unanswered, then texting all night in minute-to-minute flurries, then ghosting her for days on end, leaving her on her phone and in her feelings, ruminating ( something girls are more prone to ) on the unanswered messages. Emily Weinstein, a social scientist at Harvard who studies how technology is shaping adolescents’ lives , notes that it’s the ambiguity that can make this kind of aggression so much more insidious , leading to a “perpetual state of second- and third-guessing.”

Students, read the entire article and then tell us:

Does Ms. Bennett’s essay resonate with you? Have you experienced or witnessed — or maybe even committed — any of the forms of exclusion and aggression she mentioned?

Based on your observations, what is teenage bullying like today? Is Ms. Bennett’s description accurate? Is there anything she missed? If she had interviewed you for this piece, what would you have told her?

Poppy, 13, of New York, said, “The phones make everything more exclusive.” Do you agree? How do phones affect your relationships with your peers, if at all?

Ms. Bennett writes, “Adults and teenagers alike are more aware of the importance of inclusivity and more attuned to the seriousness of subjects that used to be treated as fodder for jokes.” Do you think that’s true? Why or why not?

“Mean Girls,” of course, focuses on girls’ mistreatment of one another. But Ms. Bennett writes that “such behavior is by no means limited to girls.” This article from 2015 states, “It’s no surprise to learn that boys are more likely than girls to use physical aggression, but we also know that boys surpass girls when it comes to attacking peers verbally and engaging in cyberbullying .” Does this surprise you? Or is it true to your experience? Why do you think we view bullying among girls differently from how we view bullying among boys?

How much of a problem is bullying among students at your school? What would you want your parents, teachers, school administrators or other adults to know about it?

Students 13 and older in the United States and Britain, and 16 and older elsewhere, are invited to comment. All comments are moderated by the Learning Network staff, but please keep in mind that once your comment is accepted, it will be made public and may appear in print.

Find more Student Opinion questions here. Teachers, check out this guide to learn how you can incorporate these prompts into your classroom.

Natalie Proulx joined The Learning Network as a staff editor in 2017 after working as an English language arts teacher and curriculum writer. More about Natalie Proulx

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Bullying and school attendance: a case study of senior high school students in Ghana

This paper focuses on senior high school students and the ways that bullying affects their school attendance. Selected items from the 2008 Ghana Global School-based Student Health Survey are analysed first to explore the relationships between the duration and type of bullying and school attendance. Second, the authors investigate whether having emotional problems, in addition to being bullied, incrementally affects the relationship between bullying and school attendance. Third, the authors explore the mitigating influence of peer friendships on these relationships. In all cases a gender analysis is provided. The results show that bullying is associated with increased absenteeism for both boys and girls. The analysis of reported emotional problems, however, shows distinct gender differences. For boys, increases in emotional problems are not associated with increased absenteeism for those who are bullied. On the other hand, for girls emotional problems were strongly associated with absenteeism and more so for girls who had not reported being bullied. The third strand of the analysis also showed gender differences in which absenteeism associated with bullying was mitigated by the support of friends for boys but not to the same degree for girls, especially those girls who had reported being psychologically bullied.

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19 Cases of Bullying among Real and Overwhelming Youth

Table of Contents

Last Updated on April 13, 2023 by Mike Robinson

We present 19 cases of real bullying and cyberbullying characterized by their fatal outcomes and the lack of training of education professionals.  The cases and stories of bullying in schools and outside them with cyberbullying have multiplied in recent years.

Bullying can cause severe mental distress. The cases of adolescents and minors who take their own lives due to the different types of bullying should be alarming to educational professionals. Schools must implement immediate and decisive actions to curtail this unacceptable behavior trend. 

1-Miriam, eight years old

Miriam is an eight-year-old girl who goes to elementary school. She loves animals, so she always has pictures of them in her books. She even has a backpack shaped like a puppy.

Her companions laugh and make fun of her, comparing her with the animals on the stickers on her backpack because she is overweight. Also, since she is “fat,” they take her money and snacks at recess.

Although she has told the teachers repeatedly, they have not done much to change the situation. To try to improve the situation, Miriam stopped eating and is in the hospital for anorexia.

2-Tania: Fourteen years old.

Tania, a 14-year-old teenager, has tried to commit suicide due to her high school classmates’ continuous threats, robberies, and aggressions. The situation has not changed despite filing 20 complaints against 19 of her classmates.

In January 2014, she was admitted to the hospital for 15 days due to an overdose of Valium pills. Despite her attempted suicide, the threats are still ongoing.

3-Diego: Eleven years old

It is a recent case of school bullying in Spain; Diego, an eleven-year-old boy, was a victim of this practice in a school in Madrid.

His mother remembers that her son told her he did not want to go to school, so his mood was always very sad; once, he lost his voice because of a blow he had suffered at school from his classmates.

The day he committed suicide, his mother went to pick him up at school, and he ran frantically to the car to get out safely. Later that evening, he killed himself.

4-Jokin Z: Fourteen years old

It was one of the first cases of bullying that came to light in Spain. After being bullied for months, he decided to commit suicide. The parents felt helpless. They tried for two years to prevent this tragedy and remove the suffering of their teenage son.

As a result of his suicide, eight students had charges brought against them. The parents were also arrested. However, only one individual was convicted. 

5-Jairo: Sixteen years old

Jairo is a 16-year-old boy from a town in Seville who faced severe bullying because of his physical disability. He has a prosthetic leg due to a wrong operation. His classmates continually make fun of him and his disability.

Not only did they trip him, but they also tried to take it off in the gymnastics class. On the other hand, in the social networks, there were photos of him manipulated with computer programs with bad words that made Jairo not want to go to school.

Due to the suffering caused by this type of behavior, Jairo asked to change schools and is currently at another institute.

6-Yaiza: Seven years old

At seven years old, Yaiza suffered bullying from her classmates. They insulted her continuously, to the point that Yaiza had difficulty convincing herself that what her classmates told her was false.  Not only did they insult her, but they also stole her breakfast and even once threw a table at her.

She was fortunate to have a teacher who was involved in the issue of bullying and helped make changes at the school. The teacher brought attention to bullying to better understand why these practices occur in schools.

7-Alan: Seventeen years old

This seventeen-year-old teenager was bullied by his classmates because he was a transsexual. He took his life on December 30, 2015, after taking pills mixed with alcohol.

It was not the first time he tried since he had been receiving therapy numerous times because he had suffered for years. As in other cases, Alan was no longer in school, but that was not enough.

8-Ryan: Fourteen years old

After years of psychological aggression, in 2003, Ryan, then fourteen years old, decided to commit suicide. He did so because he was supposedly gay. It all started because a friend of his published online that he was homosexual.

Because of this, he did not stop receiving jokes, ridicule, and humiliation from his classmates. This case helped to approve the Harassment Prevention Act in Vermont of the US States months after his death.

9-Arancha: Sixteen years old

This 16-year-old girl decided to throw herself from the sixth floor. The reason was the bullying she suffered from classmates in Madrid.

Arancha suffered from motor and intellectual disabilities, which was more than enough for her class to bully her. Although her parents reported this fact to the police, it was not enough to prevent the fatal outcome.

Minutes before launching herself from the building, she said goodbye to the people closest to her by sending them a message through WhatsApp, saying, “I was tired of living.”

10-Lolita: Fifteen years old

Lolita is currently under medical treatment due to the depression she suffers, which has paralyzed her face. This young woman from Maip, Chile, was bullied by four classmates at her school.

Her classmates mocked and humiliated her in class, which seriously affected her. According to the mother, the school knew about her daughter’s mistreatment and did nothing to prevent it.

11-Rebecca: Fifteen years

The case of Rebecca from the state of Florida is an example of cyberbullying. She decided to take her own life in 2013 due to the continuous threats and humiliations suffered by colleagues on social networks.

She and her mother had informed the teachers at school of this situation. Unfortunately, they did not work to stop the attacks on her. She posted on her profile days before her death, “I’m dead. “I cannot stand it anymore.”

12-Phoebe Prince: Fifteen years old

This 15-year-old Irish immigrant girl was harassed by nine teenagers who had criminal charges brought up in 2010. She was bullied physically and psychologically, and there was cyberbullying through cell phones and the internet.

Phoebe was humiliated and assaulted for three months in high school until she ended up hanging herself. The people who harassed her continued to do so even after her death.

13-Rehtaeh: Fifteen years old

This girl from Halifax, Nova Scotia, decided to hang herself in her bathroom after suffering cyber bullying. Her schoolmates and strangers took part in the bullying. Rehtaeh got drunk at a party, where, apart from raping her, they photographed her while it happened.

This photo began circulating everywhere, so even kids she did not know asked her to sleep with them on social networks. Her classmates also insulted her and made fun of her.

14-Oscar: Thirteen years old

This minor, who is 13 years old and in the first year of secondary school, decided to ingest liquid drain cleaner for pipes for the sole purpose of not going to school. Oscar was harassed not only by his classmates but also by one of his teachers.

Oscar could not contain the urge to go to the bathroom due to a urinary problem. His teacher never let him go, so he once urinated on himself.  From that moment on, he had to deal with the treatment he received from his teacher and his classmates, who made fun of him and insulted him repeatedly.

15-Monica: Sixteen years old

Mónica lived in Ciudad Real (Spain) and was 16 years old when she decided to commit suicide because of the treatment she received at school from her classmates. They would insult her on the bus, threaten her, and publish photos and nasty comments on social networks.

She decided to commit suicide to end all the hell that her classmates made her go through. Even though her father, one day before he took his own life, complained to the head of studies about what was happening to his daughter.

16-María: Eleven years old

This girl from Madrid (Spain) suffered harassment from her classmates at a religious school. Her classmates not only made fun of her but even physically mistreated her.

Teachers disputed these claims and did not defend her or take measures to stop them from happening. Because of this, she tried to overdose on pills without success.

17-Amanda: Fifteen years old

Amanda, a Canadian-born minor, committed suicide after posting a video on social media reporting that she was suffering bullying.

It all started when he sent a topless photo of herself to a stranger on the webcam; from that moment, insults and harassment began on the internet.

This bullying lasted three years. Amanda even changed schools to rebuild her life, but it did not help. The abuse caused anxiety and acute depression that led her to consume drugs.

18-Zaira: Fifteen years old

Here is another victim of bullying from classmates. In the case of Zaira, it all started when they recorded her with a cell phone while she was in the bathroom.  These girls spread the video among all the school’s classmates and others outside her school. 

Because of these recordings, Zaira had to take the continuous teasing of her classmates and even physical abuse. Thanks to a lower-class classmate, she faced bullying, and this story had a happy ending.

19-Marco: Eleven years

This child had spent five years enduring the harassment he suffered from his classmates. They made fun of him because he was supposedly overweight, although, in reality, he was not.

They humiliated him on many occasions, and once, they even took off his clothes in gym class.  A teacher knew what was happening to him and did not take action. Marco is currently in another school after telling him everything that happened to his parents.

Conclusions About Bullying

These 19 cases are only 19 of many in our schools. These examples show the flaws that exist in education systems worldwide. The education system professionals are not doing enough to address these abuses.

Despite all we know about bullying, there still needs to be more information about its prevention and action. The schools are not prepared to face this type of situation, leading them to ignore this behavior in their students and leave the families alone with this problem.

Also Read:  11 Human Body Games for Children

To reduce the number of suicides due to school bullying in children, we must educate everyone involved. By providing adequate training, people will know what guidelines to follow in these situations to prevent adolescent suicide.

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It pays to be mean: A 40-year behavioral study confirms your worst fears—kids who bully go on to make the most money

If movies have taught us anything, it’s that the school bully always gets their comeuppance before the end credits. Inevitably, their fall from grace will permeate into an adulthood of mediocrity and low income.

But in reality, a new study suggests that rather than becoming something resembling Back to the Future ’s Biff Tannen, the class jock is increasingly likely to become your future boss. 

Academics at the University of Essex in the U.K. found children who exhibited behavior like bullying and throwing temper tantrums were likely to go on to earn more money than other children in their forties, according to a study published earlier in March. 

The academics believe this behavior is more likely to come from an early acceptance of the dog-eat-dog world they’re about to enter into.

“On the other hand, problems with attention, emotions, and peer relationships tend to lead to poorer labor market outcomes,” the authors wrote.

“It is possible that what is often identified as aggressive behavior is the adaptive response to a competitive environment.”

The results of the 40-year analysis track with previous findings about the future earning potential of people who have typically shunned traditional curricular activities in their formative years.

Research from the National Bureau of Economic Research found that athletic students at Ivy League colleges would go on to earn 3.4% more than their non-sporty peers over their lifetime, equivalent to about $220,000.

The authors of the U.K. report think the findings should force a rethink in how school bullies are disciplined, given their potential future success. 

“Rather than a punitive approach, there could be more focus on understanding the causes of the disruptive behavior and teachers could be trained to identify strategies that help children to channel these tendencies in ways that fit better with the classroom.”

Bullies in the C-suite 

Peeling back the pages of historic C-suite culture, it seems the class bully doesn’t shake their meanness streak once they’ve made it in the corporate world.

A host of companies have found themselves embroiled in bullying and harassment scandals at the very top of their businesses in recent years, in a trend that is probably just the tip of an iceberg of toxic workplace culture.

There are several reports of CEOs engaging in controlling and manipulative behavior, even resorting to discrimination and harassment to get their way. Other times, they can just be jerks.

The most high-profile example is probably billionaire X owner Elon Musk, who in the past used his platform to mock a disabled ex-employee he had laid off after acquiring the social media company. But there are many other examples.

Earlier in March, the scandal-hit U.K. Post Office’s CEO faced accusations from the group’s former chair that he had exhibited behavior to the company’s head of HR that “constituted bullying.”

“She felt that she was being treated by Read and his henchmen as a ‘pain the arse’ for focusing on tackling the toxic culture rather than prioritizing Read’s salary,” former Post Office chair Henry Staunton wrote of CEO Nick Read’s behavior toward his HR chief.

Read is just the latest in a long line of bosses who have faced accusations of bullying. While it apparently helped them rise to power, it’s often the cause of their downfall.

In 2018, U.K. advertising millionaire Sir Martin Sorrell was ousted from his job as CEO at comms business WPP amid accusations that he bullied and harassed his staff, an investigation from the Financial Times found . 

One account details how he allegedly fired his chauffeur who refused to drive Sorrell on two hours of sleep after working a late shift previously. Sorrell denied the allegation.

These behaviors are often part of an endemic culture of aggressive behavior across an organization. 

The financial sector is one of the less surprising sources of this high-income bullying.

For one Goldman Sachs employee, it got so bad that he took the company to court demanding significant damages . 

Ian Dodd, who left Goldman in 2019, alleged meetings were marred by “high emotions, often tears,” while there were often casual threats of physical violence thrown around the workplace.

Of course, these are just some of the instances of corporate bullying that make it into the press, with several hidden under intimidation or big companies’ ability to pay off wronged parties .

And since the onset of COVID-19, it appears instances of bad behavior have only seen an uptick , with an Ethisphere survey last year reporting a 13-point increase in workplace bullying compared with pre-pandemic. 

Turn the other cheek all you want—it seems you’ll never fully achieve the minor childhood dream of evading your school bully.

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School Bullies Earn More Money as Adults

Our culture is becoming less tolerant of bullying in the workplace..

Posted March 28, 2024 | Reviewed by Gary Drevitch

• How to Handle Bullying
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A recent study by the University of Essex , which followed a cohort of British school children into their adulthood, found that "conduct problems, driven by aggression and impulsivity, are associated with positive outcomes in the labor market." In other words, the aggressive, impulsive kids ended up getting better jobs and earning more money than the others—including, of course, their victims.

This goes against our shared belief that there is a sort of karma governing our lives which eventually rewards victims and punishes aggressors. We see in countless films and other stories that the school bully ends up in prison, or in a menial job, while the meek studious kid becomes successful and marries the man or woman of their dreams .

Aggression in the Workplace

It is possible that having aggressive tendencies may help one climb the greasy pole of the job market, although this aggression will need to be modulated and channeled for it to be effective. In any case, those at the receiving end of aggression in the workplace will undoubtedly find this news distressing.

We may find comfort in the belief that the bullies and narcissists we encounter in the workplace are in fact unhappy and may eventually become victims of their own aggression and misplaced self-love, and so discovering that there may be material advantages to their behavior is a little disturbing. There is, incidentally, some empirical evidence that narcissists are in fact a pretty happy bunch . They are happier than the rest of us, according to this research, carried out at Queen’s University Belfast, because their self-adoring traits shield them from a variety of unpleasant emotions.

Things Are Changing

Luckily, things are changing. Aggression and bullying in the workplace are gradually becoming less acceptable, so these behaviors should eventually become counterproductive, at least as far as doing well occupationally is concerned. Research has shown that bullying at work is not only associated with predictable bad outcomes for the victims in terms of psychological sufferin—and even the possibility of developing PTSD —but is also bad for the employer, as it increases rates of employee sickness and lowers productivity . There is therefore an economic incentive for employers to tackle bullying at work. Bullying is based on a power dynamic in which one side is powerful and the other is powerless, so it is always difficult for the victim to complain against the aggressor. What we need is to continue to encourage a change in culture in which we don't associate aggression with executive decisiveness, or see it as a leadership attribute. It should be associated instead with an inability to work cooperatively, which is bad for productivity.

Despite our perception of the human race as being eminently violent, it is believed that Homo Sapiens' success has been largely due to its ability to cooperate peacefully in large groups, while lesser Homo species wasted their resources in constant warfare. Our dislike of aggression is imprinted in our genetic code.

We may have tolerated the office bully in the past, but a change in social attitudes hopefully means that their days are numbered.

Rafa Euba is a retired seasoned consultant psychiatrist, based in London. He has lectured in several universities and written many articles in the general and academic press, as well as three books.

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Class bullies may earn more in middle age, study finds

School bullies are likely to end up with higher salaries, a new study suggests, upending the conventional wisdom that they will receive their comeuppance later in life.

Research published earlier this month by the U.K.'s Institute for Social and Economic Research found that children who exhibited certain kinds of problematic behavior at school, including throwing temper tantrums and teasing or bullying others, had higher earnings in their 40s.

Children with "conduct problems" at school also reported higher satisfaction in work.

Meanwhile, it was children who struggled with paying attention and forming relationships with their classmates who ended up performing more poorly in the labor market, and had lower satisfaction with both work and life.

Failure to finish tasks and emotional problems such as anxiety were also linked to poorer outcomes in the jobs market.

The study used data from the 1970 British Cohort Study to compare a broad range of behaviors and skills reported by teachers at the ages of 10 and 16, with educational level, earnings, working hours and occupation up to the age of 46.

The social and emotional skills identified in school-age children could help predict various facets of later life, it found. The study factored in socioeconomic details such as family income, parental employment and educational status.

The results suggest a need to reconsider how schools discipline children, according to the authors.

"It is possible that what is often identified as aggressive behaviour is the adaptive response to a competitive environment," they say.

"Rather than a punitive approach, there could be more focus on understanding the causes of the disruptive behaviour and teachers could be trained to identify strategies that help children to channel these tendencies in ways that fit better with the classroom."

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LGBTQ bullying: a qualitative investigation of student and school health professional perspectives

V. a. earnshaw.

a Department of Human Development and Family Sciences, University of Delaware, Newark, DE, USA

D. D. Menino

b Division of General Pediatrics, Boston Children’s Hospital, Boston, MA, USA

J. Perrotti

c Safe Schools Program for LGBTQ Students, Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education, Boston, MA, USA

T. N. Barnes

d Center for Research in Education and Social Policy, University of Delaware, Newark, DE, USA

D. L. Humphrey

S. l. reisner.

e Department of Pediatrics, Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA, USA

f Department of Epidemiology, Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, Boston, MA, USA

g The Fenway Institute, Fenway Health, Boston, MA, USA

Notes on contributors

David D. Menino is a Clinical Research Specialist at Boston Children’s Hospital.

Lauren M. Sava is a Clinical Research Specialist at Boston Children’s Hospital.

Jeff Perrotti is the Founding Director of the Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education’s Safe Schools Program for LGBTQ Students.

Tia N. Barnes is an Assistant Professor in Human Development and Family Sciences and a Senior Researcher at the Center for Research in Education and Social Policy at the University of Delaware.

Layne D. Humphrey is the Assistant Center Director of the Center for Research in Education and Social Policy at the University of Delaware.

Sari L. Reisner is an Assistant Professor of Pediatrics at Harvard Medical School and of Epidemiology at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health, as well as a Research Scientist at The Fenway Institute at Fenway Health.

Researchers and practitioners have recently called for greater involvement of school health professionals (SHPs; e.g., school psychologists, nurses, guidance counselors) in interventions to identify and address bullying of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) students. To inform future interventions, this study explored the perspectives of LGBTQ students and SHPs on LGBTQ bullying and SHPs’ responses to LGBTQ bullying. Five online, asynchronous focus groups were held in 2018 with 28 LGBTQ students and 19 SHPs recruited from Massachusetts, US. Methods were guided by Rapid Qualitative Inquiry. Results revealed a disconnect in perceptions of LGBTQ bullying among LGBTQ students versus SHPs, with LGBTQ students reporting a range of often significant verbal, social, and physical bullying experiences and SHPs reporting minimal awareness of LGBTQ bullying at their schools. Transgender students reported bullying related to their gender identity, including verbal, physical, and sexual harassment, deadnaming (referred to by their birth name), and misgendering (called an incorrect pronoun). LGBTQ students of color reported bullying based on their race/ethnicity and pronounced social isolation. LGBTQ students reported mixed experiences with reporting bullying to SHPs. Intervention efforts are needed to enhance communication between LGBTQ students and SHPs, and to strengthen SHPs’ skills to respond to LGBTQ bullying.

Introduction

Bullying of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) students occurs frequently and is harmful ( Earnshaw et al., 2017 ; Kosciw, Greytak, Zongrone, Clark, & Truong, 2018 ). Bullying involves unwanted aggressive treatment from peers that repeats, or is likely to repeat, over time and occurs within a power context ( Gladden, Vivolo-Kantor, Hamburger, & Lumpkin, 2014 ). For LGBTQ youth, this bullying may be associated with their sexual orientation and/or gender identity (i.e., LGBTQ bullying), as well as other characteristics such as their race/ethnicity ( Kosciw et al., 2018 ). Bullying undermines students’ physical and mental health, and the effects of bullying on health are long-lasting ( Gini & Pozzoli, 2013 ; Juvonen & Graham, 2014 ; The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (NASEM), 2016 ; Vaillancourt, Hymel, & McDougall, 2013 ). Moreover, stigma-based bullying, or bullying associated with a socially devalued characteristic such as minority sexual orientation or gender identity, is particularly harmful ( Russell, Sinclair, Poteat, & Koenig, 2012 ).

School health professionals (SHPs) have the potential to play an important role in identifying and supporting LGBTQ students experiencing bullying ( Espelage, 2016 ; Graybill & Proctor, 2016 ). Yet, their perspectives on LGBTQ bullying and their current roles in responding to LGBTQ bullying have been under-examined. Greater understanding of these perspectives can inform interventions to prepare SHPs to respond to LGBTQ bullying. We therefore characterize LGBTQ bullying and SHP responses to LGBTQ bullying from the perspectives of both LGBTQ students and SHPs in the current study. We compare SHP perspectives to those of LGBTQ students to explore the extent to which their points of view on LGBTQ bullying diverge.

LGBTQ bullying

Most LGBTQ students experience some form of bullying. In response to a national survey conducted by the Gay, Lesbian, & Straight Education Network (GLSEN) in 2015, 85% of LGBTQ students reported that they had experienced verbal bullying (i.e., harmful verbal or written communications such as name calling), 88% had experienced social or relational bullying (i.e., behaviors intended to harm relationships and reputations such as gossip), 60% had been sexually harassed (i.e., harassment of a sexual nature such as unwanted touching), and 34.7% had experienced physical bullying (i.e., use of physical force such as hitting) in the past year ( Kosciw et al., 2018 ). Bullying is associated with poor mental health, including symptoms of depression, low self-esteem, and suicidal ideation ( Friedman, Koeske, Silvestre, Korr, & Sites, 2006 ; Russell & Joyner, 2001 ) as well as poor physical health, including negative physical health symptoms (e.g., abdominal pain, headache, skin problems) and high blood pressure ( Fekkes, 2006 ; Gini & Pozzoli, 2013 ; Rosenthal et al., 2015 ).

LGBTQ students are diverse, representing a wide range of sexual orientations, gender identities, races/ethnicities, and other characteristics. Some evidence suggests that transgender students have more negative school experiences than cisgender students (i.e., students whose gender identity aligns with their sex assigned at birth; Kosciw et al., 2018 ). Similar to stigma experienced by transgender adults ( Nadal, Whitman, Davis, Erazo, & Davidoff, 2016 ), bullying of transgender students may involve deadnaming (i.e., using the birth name of a student who has since changed their name) and/or misgendering (i.e., referring to a student with a pronoun or word that does not correctly reflect their gender identity).

Recent work has underscored the importance of adopting an intersectional lens when characterizing bullying experienced by LGBTQ students ( Daley, Solomon, Newman, & Mishna, 2007 ; Dominski, 2016 ; Earnshaw et al., 2017 ). Intersectionality recognizes that individuals live with multiple characteristics and identities, which may represent positions of oppression and/or privilege, that shape their experiences and outcomes ( Cole, 2009 ; Crenshaw et al., 1991 ; Rosenthal, 2016 ). Applied to LGBTQ bullying, an intersectional lens draws attention to how bullying may be experienced differently depending on LGBTQ youth’s intersecting identities. For example, LGBTQ students of color describe experiencing bullying related to both their race/ethnicity and sexual orientation and/or gender identity ( Daley et al., 2007 ). An intersectional lens additionally allows researchers to consider how intersections of identities and characteristics impact access to social capital (e.g., school practices and policies) that influences student outcomes ( Mink, Lindley, & Weinstein, 2014 ). Understanding the nuances of intersectional bullying may enhance the ability of SHPs to identify and support LGBTQ students experiencing bullying.

School health professionals

SHPs, including school psychologists, nurses, social workers, guidance counselors, and adjustment counselors, play key roles in promoting the safety and wellbeing of students. SHPs are well-positioned to lead indicated preventive bullying interventions within schools, which target students who are currently experiencing bullying ( Earnshaw et al., 2018 ; Juvonen & Graham, 2014 ). As examples, SHPs can identify and support students currently experiencing bullying given that supportive relationships with adults at school can buffer students from the negative effects of stigma-based bullying ( Earnshaw et al., 2014 ). SHPs can also help LGBTQ students develop de-escalation techniques and other social-emotional skills that may help them respond to bullying.

Researchers and practitioners have recently called for greater involvement of SHPs in addressing LGBTQ bullying ( Earnshaw et al., 2017 ; Espelage, 2016 ; Graybill & Proctor, 2016 ). Yet, SHPs have been under-utilized within stigma-based bullying interventions to date, including LGBTQ bullying interventions. A recent systematic review identified only one stigma-based bullying intervention that involved SHPs ( Earnshaw et al., 2018 ). This intervention targeted students with disabilities, and showed some promise in reducing experiences of bullying among students and improving their self-concept ( Vessey & O’Neill, 2011 ). Greater understanding of SHPs’ perspectives on LGBTQ bullying, including the extent to which they are aware of LGBTQ students’ experiences of bullying, as well as their current involvement in addressing LGBTQ bullying can inform future efforts to involve SHPs in LGBTQ bullying interventions.

Current study

The current study was conducted to inform future intervention efforts to involve SHPs in identifying and supporting LGBTQ students who have been bullied. The specific goals were to characterize and compare the perspectives of LGBTQ students and SHPs on: (1) experiences of LGBTQ bullying, and (2) SHP responses to LGBTQ bullying. SHPs may need to address the unique needs of transgender students and LGBTQ students of color given that these students experience elevated rates of bullying in comparison to White LGBQ students ( Kosciw et al., 2018 ). The current study therefore additionally adopted an intersectional lens and sought to identify unique aspects of bullying experienced by transgender students and LGBTQ students of color.

Procedures and participants

Between January and April 2018, qualitative data were collected as part of a formative assessment to inform the development of an intervention to increase the capacity of SHPs to address LGBTQ bullying. Study procedures were guided by Rapid Qualitative Inquiry ( Beebe, 2014 ), which is closely derived from and often referred to as Rapid Assessment Process ( Beebe, 2001 , 2014 ; McMullen et al., 2011 ; Sabone et al., 2007 ) and is an intensive methodology for collecting, analyzing, and interpreting qualitative data to quickly develop a preliminary understanding of a situation. Rapid Qualitative Inquiry takes principles from ethnography but is targeted to reduce lengthiness of field work-analysis-translation ( Beebe, 2014 ). Rapid Qualitative Inquiry includes three foundational concepts. First, it aims to develop an insider’s perspective on an issue. The current study aimed to develop the perspectives of LGBTQ students and SHPs on the issue of LGBTQ bullying in schools. Second, Rapid Qualitative Inquiry relies on triangulation of data by incorporating data from multiple sources. The current study included data from both LGBTQ students and SHPs. Two focus groups with students were initially planned, including one with LGBTQ students broadly and one including transgender students specifically. Due to underrepresentation of students of color in these focus groups, an additional group was conducted comprised of LGBTQ students of color. Two focus groups were also conducted with SHPs. Third, data analysis is conducted iteratively (described below) and is team-based. The current study involved a team of individuals with diverse expertise and perspectives, including experts in psychology, public health, education, and counseling. Additionally, the team worked closely with a youth and community advisory board that included LGBTQ youth and SHPs who were compensated for their time.

Participants were recruited from LGBTQ and SHP organizations and networks in Massachusetts, as well as from the personal and professional networks of individuals on the youth and community advisory board. Individuals who were interested in participating contacted a member of the study team who screened them for eligibility by phone. Students were eligible to participate if they were between the ages of 13 and 24, identified as LGBTQ, and currently attended, or had attended, middle and/or high school in Massachusetts. Individuals who were former students were eligible up to age 24 given evidence that the effects of bullying last into young adulthood ( Russell, Ryan, Toomey, Diaz, & Sanchez, 2011 ). SHPs were eligible to participate in the study if they were age 18 or older, and currently served Massachusetts students in a school health-related capacity. All participants were required to speak English and have reliable internet access in order to be eligible to participate. Verbal consent was obtained via an initial phone conversation during which research staff reviewed he consent document and asked if the individual wanted to consent on the phone at that time or wait and decide, after which they were sent a PDF of the consent document. Obtaining parental consent to participate in a research study may discourage participation among LGBTQ youth who have not disclosed their sexual orientation and/or gender identity to their parents, thereby introducing sampling bias, or pose a risk to LGBTQ youth whose parents are not accepting of their LGBTQ identities ( Meezan & Martin, 2009 ). Therefore, a waiver of parental permission was obtained for students under the age of 18 years. Participants received a $50 gift card for their time. All procedures received institutional review board approval.

In total, 88 individuals expressed interest in the study and 55 enrolled (62.5%), including 34 LGBTQ students and 21 SHPs enrolled in the study. Several participants did not engage in the study (e.g., they did not respond to online prompts), and were therefore trimmed from the analytic sample. The final sample included 28 LGBTQ students and 19 SHPs, with participants representing most counties in Massachusetts and over half being outside the Boston area. Participants completed a brief online survey that included socio-demographic information; one LGBTQ student did not complete the survey. Participant characteristics are included in Table 1 .

Descriptive characteristics of study participants ( N = 46).

Notes: + One LGBTQ student who participated in the focus groups did not complete the socio-demographic survey (28 LGBQ students participated in focus groups, 27 had survey data).

Focus group protocols

Online, asynchronous focus groups were conducted. Online focus groups are recommended for research about sensitive topics with stigmatized, rare, and/or geographically dispersed populations ( Reisner et al., 2018 ). Asynchronous online focus groups operate like bulletin boards, wherein questions are periodically posted by researchers and participants can log on at times convenient for them to respond. Similar to an in-person focus group, participants are able to both respond directly to the researchers’ questions as well as read and respond to other participants’ posts. Participants do not need to be online simultaneously to chat in real time. In the current study, online focus groups lasted for four days and questions were posted in the mornings and evenings. Two members of the research team facilitated the groups by posting questions, probing, and monitoring discussion throughout the day. The platform was left open for an additional 1–2 days for final comments. Anonymity of participants was protected in several ways. First, participants were given a unique identification number that was the only identifier displayed in relation to their online responses. Second, no pictures or icons were displayed. Third, participants were asked not to disclose any potentially identifying information, including their name or the school where they attended or worked.

Examples of questions relevant to the current analyses that were posed to LGBTQ students included: “Please tell us about a time you or another LGBTQ student were bullied. What happened?” and “In regards to the experiences of bullying you described, did any adult at school intervene or try to stop the bullying? If so, what happened? What was the adult’s role at school?” Students were also asked “What specific issues have you noticed transgender students at your school facing?” and “What issues, if any, do you see non-White LGBTQ students facing at your school?” These questions were tailored to the perspectives of SHPs, with examples including: “Tell us about a time in which you witnessed a LGBTQ student being bullied. If you personally didn’t witness such an event, please describe any experience your colleagues may have had, if possible” and “Thinking back to your experience intervening in the bullying of a LGBTQ student, do you think you handled the situation effectively? Why or why not?” SHPs were also specifically asked about transgender students, including “What specific issues have you noticed transgender students at your school facing?” and LGBTQ students of color, including “What specific issues, if any, do you see non-White LGBTQ students facing at your school?” Probes were asked to clarify participant responses. Examples of probes include: “What do you mean by (component of participant response)?” “Can you talk a bit more about (component of participant response)?” “Can you provide an example?” How did you feel about (component of participant response)?”

Data analyses

Data analyses were also guided by Rapid Qualitative Inquiry ( Beebe, 2014 ), and were thus iterative and team-based. Each focus group yielded a transcript ranging from 131–204 pages in length, with size 17.5 font for prompts and 14.5 font for responses and single-spacing (for a total of 494 pages of transcript from the three youth focus groups and 318 pages of transcripts from the two SHP focus groups). Immediately following each focus group, initial findings were summarized and preliminary findings were identified by two members of the research team. These initial findings informed memos and data displays (e.g., charts organized by theme) which were shared with the full team. The team met to draw conclusions from each focus group. The team focused on reaching consensus around conclusions, and making contrasts and comparisons between participant groups. The study procedures and conclusions were refined with each additional focus group and as data analyses progressed. As a trustworthiness check, results were then shared with the youth and community advisory board to verify the conclusions drawn by the team. By following these analytic techniques, an understanding of experiences of and SHP responses to LGBTQ bullying from the perspectives of LGBTQ students and SHPs was developed.

Experiences of LGBTQ bullying

LGBTQ students and SHPs reported on several types of bullying experienced by LGBTQ students. Below, LGBTQ bullying is described from the perspectives of White LGBQ students, transgender students, LGBTQ students of color, and SHPs. The perspectives of three transgender students of color are included in both the transgender students and LGBTQ students of color sections, depending on content of the data (e.g., quotes describing bullying related to gender identity are included in the transgender students paragraph). Taken together, the majority of LGBTQ students reported witnessing and/or experiencing bullying (82%, n = 23) whereas over half of SHPs (68%, n = 13) reported never having witnessed bullying.

White LGBQ students

White LGBQ students primarily described experiencing and/or witnessing verbal bullying, including being called names and hearing offensive jokes. For example, one student stated that “I was called the f-slur many times, as well as told that I should be killed or ‘converted.’ I was too scared to tell anyone, even my parents, because I was not out yet” (White, pansexual female). Some physical bullying was also reported by White LGBQ students. One student witnessed physical bullying of another LGBQ student, stating “I knew someone who was physically pushed around frequently by the same kid. That bullying was relentless and the victim of that bullying did not come to school some days because of the harassment” (White, mostly gay male). Students were also aware of instances of cyberbullying on a range of chat and other social media platforms. The student who witnessed physical bullying also reported that “I knew someone who was harassed in an online group chat and told to kill themselves.”

Transgender students

Transgender students also described being called names and hearing offensive jokes. In contrast to LGBQ students, however, bullying reported by transgender students was characterized by more explicit targeting of their gender identity, and more extreme physical assault. Many transgender students highlighted being deadnamed and misgendered as common forms of verbal bullying. One student reported that another student “started using my dead name and the wrong pronouns and telling everyone that was my name and that I was really a girl” (White, bisexual transgender male). Another student reported that “I have seen consistent misgendering (some malicious, some just ignorance) of non-passing rans folks or those who use neopronouns [gender-neutral pronouns]” (race unidentified, heterosexual transgender male). Students transitioning from male to female were particularly vulnerable to physical sexual assault. One student noted that they had been “sexually assaulted (since I started growing breast buds, I’ve had multiple people grab me and feel me up)” and that “when I wear a skirt… students try to lift it/pull it down. I am groped weekly” (White, mostly lesbian transgender female). Physical bullying occurred in bathrooms. One student described being “kicked out of both bathrooms. I had a kid try to hit me once for trying to use the bathroom. I’ve been suspended for my own safety” (White, mostly gay transgender male).

LGBTQ students of color

LGBTQ students of color reported experiences of bullying associated with their race and/or ethnicity in addition to, or sometimes instead of, their sexual orientation and/or gender identity. These experiences also included name calling and offensive jokes. One student described experiencing race-and weight-based verbal bullying, stating: “I was not bullied for being LGBTQ … I was, however, bullied for being fat and for being dark skinned. I was called things like Oreo or African booty scratcher and people would make fun of me” (Black/African-American, bisexual transgender male). LGBTQ students of color experienced social isolation, and reported having a difficult time finding accepting friends. One noted that “I feel like White LGBTQ students have an easier time being accepted, while I have to deal with racism, queerphobia, and transphobia” (Native Hawaiian/Other Pacific Islander and White, queer, gender non-conforming student). This student further remarked that “I, in school, was outcasted for being visibly trans and queer. In a school of almost two thousand people, I had no friends, no one to sit with, no one to hang out with.”

In contrast to the experiences of bullying reported by students, which were described as frequent and sometimes severe, over half of SHPs reported that they had not witnessed LGBTQ bullying at their schools. They noted that there have been “no instances at my school that I am aware of” (school nurse), “I have not been directly involved in any bullying [situations]” (guidance counselor), and “I have not witnessed nor been involved directly with any type of incident” (social worker). One SHP was aware of anti-gay language at their school, but did not label this as bullying. They stated:

I can’t think of a time when I witnessed or heard of a LGBTQ student being bullied. I do know that students talk about microaggressions, such as stating things are “gay”, as someone mentioned earlier and have talked about how these comments impact them over time. This might not be “bullying” per se… (school psychologist)

Despite not personally witnessing bullying, some SHPs were aware that LGBTQ students experienced bullying at school. One noted that “I have also known students to face bullying, teasing, targeting, and general unkindness from students” (school psychologist).

SHPs’ discussion of the intersectional nature of LGBTQ bullying was limited. They recognized that transgender students experienced bullying in bathrooms, although their reports on bullying in bathrooms were less extreme than those from transgender students. For example, one SHP noted that “some other students would leave the bathroom or make comments when this (transgender) student was there” (guidance counselor). SHPs did not report that transgender students experienced sexual harassment or intentional deadnaming and/or misgendering, or that LGBTQ students of color experienced bullying based on their race or ethnicity.

Responses to LGBTQ bullying

Students and SHPs characterized the ways in which SHPs responded to LGBTQ bullying. Responses from White LGBQ students, transgender students, and LGBTQ students of color were largely similar and so have been reported in aggregate.

Students reported that SHPs often do not personally witness LGBTQ bullying. One student stated that SHPs may be unaware of LGBTQ bullying because “school health professionals are not in regular contact with groups of students, where these jokes get made” (White, mostly gay male). When students reached out to SHPs for help with bullying, they received a range of responses. Students reported that SHPs were sometimes not helpful. One student reported an unsupportive interaction where the SHP questioned their sexual orientation and did not address the incident of bullying. This student stated that “when I went to guidance, they just asked if I was sure that I was bisexual and said they couldn’t do anything because I had no evidence like texts or comments” (Latina, bisexual female). Other students reported that SHPs were well-intentioned, but lacked the skills or knowledge to address LGBTQ bullying. One student noted that “the guidance counselor is a very kind lady, I just think she is clueless when it comes to these issues, and almost feels as if she can’t touch the issues or do anything about them” (White, queer transgender male).

SHPs reported that they responded to LGBTQ bullying in a variety of ways. SHPs directly addressed students perpetrating LGBTQ bullying. They noted that “I have always done my best to stop these comments as soon as I’ve heard them” (school nurse) and “I stressed the importance of not continuing with this behavior and spreading rumors. I talked about being more sensitive and tolerant of others and their differences, having more empathy and compassion” (guidance counselor). SHPs also reported providing emotional support to LGBTQ students who had been bullied. Some provided support immediately following incidents of bullying, including one SHP who reported that they had “consoled a first grader when she was told by an older student that she couldn’t use the girl’s bathroom because she is a boy. I felt terrible … I empathized that it probably didn’t make her feel good when another student called her a boy” (school nurse). Others provided ongoing support to students experiencing bullying. One noted that LGBTQ students “are in counseling with me weekly so I am always checking in on how they are doing” (social worker).

The current study provides insights into the experiences of LGBTQ bullying and SHPs’ responses to LGBTQ bullying from the perspectives of LGBTQ students and SHPs. Results reveal a possible disconnect in perceptions of LGBTQ bullying among LGBTQ students versus SHPs. LGBTQ students reported a range of often significant bullying experiences that were associated with their sexual orientation and gender identity as well as their race/ethnicity. In contrast, over half of SHPs reported not being aware of LGBTQ bullying at their school. Verbal bullying, including name calling and verbal harassment, was the most commonly reported form of bullying reported by LGBTQ students. Some SHPs also observed name calling and negative comments directed toward LGBTQ students. Transgender students reported a unique form of verbal bullying, deadnaming and misgendering, from both other students and adults at school. This form of harassment is also reported by transgender adults ( Nadal et al., 2016 ), and serves to invalidate individuals’ gender identity ( McLemore, 2015 ). LGBTQ students of color reported verbal bullying based on their race/ethnicity, including racial slurs, in addition to bullying related to their sexual orientation and gender identity. SHPs did not report observing intentional deadnaming and misgendering of transgender students, or race-based bullying of LGBTQ students of color. Transgender students reported the most pronounced physical bullying, which sometimes occurred in bathrooms and/or took the form of sexual assault (e.g., groping). SHPs were aware that transgender students were at risk of bullying in bathrooms, but did not report that transgender students were sexually harassed. LGBTQ students of color reported social bullying, including social ostracism and isolation. SHPs did not comment on social isolation of LGBTQ students of color.

The perspectives of LGBTQ students and SHPs on LGBTQ bullying may differ for several reasons. First, both students and SHPs reported that SHPs are often not physically present when the bullying takes place. Bullying typically occurs in classrooms, hallways, and bathrooms whereas SHPs may spend much of their time in offices. Second, many LGBTQ students often do not report bullying to adults, including SHPs. They may fear reporting because they have not yet disclosed their sexual orientation and/or gender identity to their parents, and therefore do not want the school to call home about LGBTQ bullying. They may also not report because they lack confidence that SHPs will helpfully resolve the issue. Third, LGBTQ bullying, similar to LGBTQ discrimination, may be changing over time from overt treatment, such as physical harassment, to more subtle treatment, such as deadnaming and misgendering ( Nadal et al., 2016 ). SHPs may be less likely to label this more subtle treatment as bullying. And finally, the students and SHPs interviewed in this study may not be aware of the extent to which SHPs are responding to LGBTQ bullying incidents. For example, students may be unaware when SHPs address bullying among students who perpetrate bullying due to privacy regulations.

Students reported having mixed experiences with reporting LGBTQ bullying to SHPs. Some students observed that SHPs ignored or refused to address LGBTQ bullying (e.g., due to no evidence of bullying). Other students felt that SHPs lacked knowledge and skills to support LGBTQ students experiencing bullying. SHPs characterized their responses to LGBTQ bullying more positively, reporting that they had responded to LGBTQ bullying in a variety of ways. They cited examples of addressing perpetrators of LGBTQ bullying and supporting LGBTQ students who had been bullied.

Strengths, limitations, and future directions

The perspectives of SHPs on LGBTQ bullying have been under-studied in the literature to date. The current study addresses this gap to inform future bullying interventions involving SHPs. Methodology and analysis strategies were guided by Rapid Qualitative Inquiry ( Beebe, 2014 ), which is recommended when seeking to develop a preliminary understanding of an understudied phenomenon to inform intervention development. Analyses were conducted by a team of experts with diverse backgrounds and were informed by a youth and community advisory board that included LGBTQ youth and SHPs. The use of online focus groups enabled the inclusion of a geographically diverse sample comprised of participants from urban, suburban, and rural communities throughout Massachusetts, as well as historically marginalized populations ( Reisner et al., 2018 ). Given that participants can respond anonymously, online focus groups may yield more honest answers regarding sensitive topics such as bullying than in-person focus groups.

Several limitations of the current study may be addressed with future work. Results of this Rapid Qualitative Inquiry study yielded preliminary insight into a disconnect in perceptions of LGBTQ bullying among LGBTQ students and SHPs. More in-depth research methodologies, including individual interviews, can continue to clarify this disconnect and why it exists. Asynchronous online focus groups lack nonverbal information, such as facial expressions and vocal cues, which may limit interpretability or even lead to misunderstandings. In-person qualitative interviews and focus groups may therefore yield additional insight. Additionally, quantitative research methodologies comparing the perceptions of LGBTQ students and SHPs can establish the magnitude of this disconnect. LGBTQ students and SHPs in the current study were from different schools. Future research should include LGBTQ students and SHPs from the same school to better compare the perspectives of students and SHPs in the same context.

Future work may also address issues of generalizability to the diverse populations of LGBTQ students and SHPs, as well as diverse geographic regions where LGBTQ bullying persists. Participants were recruited from LGBTQ and SHP organizations and networks as well as from the personal and professional networks of individuals on the youth and community advisory board. It is therefore possible that participants may have had a greater interest in this topic, or greater willingness to talk about their experiences of bullying, than others. Future work in this area should employ recruitment methods that may yield more representative samples. Some LGBTQ identities and experiences were underrepresented in the student sample, and therefore results may not generalize to all LGBTQ students. For example, our sample included only one young transgender woman. Transgender women may be particularly at risk of some forms of more extreme bullying, such as sexual harassment due to intersecting transphobia and misogyny, and therefore more research is needed to better capture their experiences of LGBTQ bullying. Moreover, LGBTQ students may experience bullying based on other characteristics, including disability, weight, and religion. More research is needed with diverse samples of LGBTQ students to further understand intersectional experiences of bullying. Similarly, the SHPs included in the current sample were homogeneous in regard to race/ethnicity, gender, and sexual orientation. Although this may reflect the population of SHPs, which predominately identify as White and women ( Willgerodt, Brock, & Maughan, 2018 ), it is possible that SHPs from more diverse backgrounds, including LGBTQ SHPs and SHPs of color, have different perspectives on LGBTQ bullying. Future research with diverse samples of SHPs is needed to continue to understand SHP perspectives on LGBTQ bullying. Also needed are studies in other geographic regions. According to GLSEN’s 2017 National School Climate Survey ( Kosciw et al., 2018 ), LGBTQ students in the Northeast and West report lower rates of LGBTQ bullying than LGBTQ students in the South and Midwest regions of the United States. These students also report greater access to LGBTQ-related resources at school, and are more likely to live in states with enumerated anti-bullying laws and policies protecting students from LGBTQ bullying. It is critical to examine the perspectives of LGBTQ students and SHPs living in other states, especially in places where LGBTQ bullying may be more pronounced.

Conclusions and implications

Recent researchers and practitioners have called for greater involvement of SHPs in LGBTQ bullying interventions ( Earnshaw et al., 2017 ; Espelage, 2016 ; Graybill & Proctor, 2016 ). In particular, SHPs have potential to play a powerful role in indicated preventive bullying interventions by identifying and supporting LGBTQ students experiencing bullying. The current study identifies two potential barriers to SHPs’ involvement in such LGBTQ bullying interventions, including: (1) lack of awareness of LGBTQ bullying among SHPs, and (2) lack of knowledge and skills to guide SHPs in their response to LGBTQ bullying. Interventions that enhance communication between LGBTQ students and SHPs may help to improve awareness of LGBTQ bullying among SHPs. Given LGBTQ students’ concerns regarding confidentiality surrounding their sexual orientations and gender identities, it is critical that such communication be confidential, safe, and supportive. Additionally, interventions that enhance knowledge of LGBTQ students’ experiences and needs as well as skills to interact with LGBTQ students may strengthen SHPs’ abilities to serve this vulnerable population. Clear policies that delineate how SHPs should respond to LGBTQ bullying may reduce ambiguity and variability in SHP responses.

There are existing resources that may inform these intervention efforts and aid SHPs in their current efforts to support LGBTQ youth. StopBullying.gov (2019) contains resources to help adults identify bullying and initiate conversations surrounding bullying. SHPs may consider using a combination of direct (e.g., Have you been bullied by other student?) and indirect (e.g., Have you had any problems accessing restrooms?) questions to assess whether youth have experienced bullying ( Earnshaw, Bogart, Poteat, Reisner, & Schuster, 2016 ). Additionally, the American Medical Association offers educational resources for healthcare professionals about the health needs of LGBTQ individuals ( Understanding LGBTQ health issues, 2019 ), and GLSEN offers professional development resources for educators about the unique needs of LGBTQ students (Read, watch, collaborate: GLSEN PD for educators, n.d.). With greater support, guidance, and training, SHPs are poised to become an effective resource for LGBTQ students experiencing bullying.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to acknowledge and thank the youth and community advisory board for their contributions and collaboration on this study (alphabetical): Landon Callahan, Sonya Epstein, Opal Hines-Fisher, Lee Hoegler, Kira Houston, Karen Jarvis-Vance, Ken Rufo, and Rothsaida Sylviance.

This work was conducted with support from Harvard Catalyst & The Harvard Clinical and Translational Science Center (National Center for Research Resources and the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences, National Institutes of Health Award UL1 TR001102) and financial contributions from Harvard University and its affiliated academic healthcare centers. VAE’s contributions were further supported by the National Institute on Drug Abuse (K01 DA042881). Funders were not involved in the study design; collection, analysis, or interpretation of the data; write up of the report; or decision to submit the article for publication. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of Harvard Catalyst, Harvard University and its affiliated academic healthcare centers, or the National Institutes of Health.

Disclosure statement

The authors declare that they have no conflicts of interests. They alone are responsible for the content and writing of the paper.

Supplemental data for this article is available online at https://doi.org/10.1080/19361653.2019.1653808 .

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