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News | November 11, 2015

Seven case studies in carbon and climate.

By Carol Rasmussen, NASA's Earth Science News Team, and Kate Ramsayer, NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center

Every part of the mosaic of Earth's surface — ocean and land, Arctic and tropics, forest and grassland — absorbs and releases carbon in a different way. Wild-card events such as massive wildfires and drought complicate the global picture even more. To better predict future climate, we need to understand how Earth's ecosystems will change as the climate warms and how extreme events will shape and interact with the future environment. Here are seven pressing concerns.

Arctic melt

The Far North is warming twice as fast as the rest of Earth, on average. With a 5-year Arctic airborne observing campaign just wrapping up and a 10-year campaign just starting that will integrate airborne, satellite and surface measurements, NASA is using unprecedented resources to discover how the drastic changes in Arctic carbon are likely to influence our climatic future.

Wildfires have become common in the North. Because firefighting is so difficult in remote areas, many of these fires burn unchecked for months, throwing huge plumes of carbon into the atmosphere. A recent report found a nearly 10-fold increase in the number of large fires in the Arctic region over the last 50 years, and the total area burned by fires is increasing annually.

Organic carbon from plant and animal remains is preserved for millennia in frozen Arctic soil, too cold to decompose. Arctic soils known as permafrost contain more carbon than there is in Earth's atmosphere today. As the frozen landscape continues to thaw, the likelihood increases that not only fires but decomposition will create Arctic atmospheric emissions rivaling those of fossil fuels. The chemical form these emissions take — carbon dioxide or methane — will make a big difference in how much greenhouse warming they create.

Initial results from NASA's Carbon in Arctic Reservoirs Vulnerability Experiment (CARVE) airborne campaign have allayed concerns that large bursts of methane, a more potent greenhouse gas, are already being released from thawing Arctic soils. CARVE principal investigator Charles Miller of NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL), Pasadena, California, is looking forward to NASA's ABoVE field campaign (Arctic Boreal Vulnerability Experiment) to gain more insight. "CARVE just scratched the surface, compared to what ABoVE will do," Miller said.

Rice paddies

Methane is the Billy the Kid of carbon-containing greenhouse gases: it does a lot of damage in a short life. There's much less of it in Earth's atmosphere than there is carbon dioxide, but molecule for molecule, it causes far more greenhouse warming than CO 2 does over its average 10-year life span in the atmosphere.

Methane is produced by bacteria that decompose organic material in damp places with little or no oxygen, such as freshwater marshes and the stomachs of cows. Currently, over half of atmospheric methane comes from human-related sources, such as livestock, rice farming, landfills and leaks of natural gas. Natural sources include termites and wetlands. Because of increasing human sources, the atmospheric concentration of methane has doubled in the last 200 years to a level not seen on our planet for 650,000 years.

Locating and measuring human emissions of methane are significant challenges. NASA's Carbon Monitoring System is funding several projects testing new technologies and techniques to improve our ability to monitor the colorless gas and help decision makers pinpoint sources of emissions. One project, led by Daniel Jacob of Harvard University, used satellite observations of methane to infer emissions over North America. The research found that human methane emissions in eastern Texas were 50 to 100 percent higher than previous estimates. "This study shows the potential of satellite observations to assess how methane emissions are changing," said Kevin Bowman, a JPL research scientist who was a coauthor of the study.

Tropical forests

Tropical forest in the Amazon

Tropical forests are carbon storage heavyweights. The Amazon in South America alone absorbs a quarter of all carbon dioxide that ends up on land. Forests in Asia and Africa also do their part in "breathing in" as much carbon dioxide as possible and using it to grow.

However, there is evidence that tropical forests may be reaching some kind of limit to growth. While growth rates in temperate and boreal forests continue to increase, trees in the Amazon have been growing more slowly in recent years. They've also been dying sooner. That's partly because the forest was stressed by two severe droughts in 2005 and 2010 — so severe that the Amazon emitted more carbon overall than it absorbed during those years, due to increased fires and reduced growth. Those unprecedented droughts may have been only a foretaste of what is ahead, because models predict that droughts will increase in frequency and severity in the future.

In the past 40-50 years, the greatest threat to tropical rainforests has been not climate but humans, and here the news from the Amazon is better. Brazil has reduced Amazon deforestation in its territory by 60 to 70 percent since 2004, despite troubling increases in the last three years. According to Doug Morton, a scientist at NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center in Greenbelt, Maryland, further reductions may not make a marked difference in the global carbon budget. "No one wants to abandon efforts to preserve and protect the tropical forests," he said. "But doing that with the expectation that [it] is a meaningful way to address global greenhouse gas emissions has become less defensible."

In the last few years, Brazil's progress has left Indonesia the distinction of being the nation with the highest deforestation rate and also with the largest overall area of forest cleared in the world. Although Indonesia's forests are only a quarter to a fifth the extent of the Amazon, fires there emit massive amounts of carbon, because about half of the Indonesian forests grow on carbon-rich peat. A recent study estimated that this fall, daily greenhouse gas emissions from recent Indonesian fires regularly surpassed daily emissions from the entire United States.

Wildfire smoke

Wildfires are natural and necessary for some forest ecosystems, keeping them healthy by fertilizing soil, clearing ground for young plants, and allowing species to germinate and reproduce. Like the carbon cycle itself, fires are being pushed out of their normal roles by climate change. Shorter winters and higher temperatures during the other seasons lead to drier vegetation and soils. Globally, fire seasons are almost 20 percent longer today, on average, than they were 35 years ago.

Currently, wildfires are estimated to spew 2 to 4 billion tons of carbon into the atmosphere each year on average — about half as much as is emitted by fossil fuel burning. Large as that number is, it's just the beginning of the impact of fires on the carbon cycle. As a burned forest regrows, decades will pass before it reaches its former levels of carbon absorption. If the area is cleared for agriculture, the croplands will never absorb as much carbon as the forest did.

As atmospheric carbon dioxide continues to increase and global temperatures warm, climate models show the threat of wildfires increasing throughout this century. In Earth's more arid regions like the U.S. West, rising temperatures will continue to dry out vegetation so fires start and burn more easily. In Arctic and boreal ecosystems, intense wildfires are burning not just the trees, but also the carbon-rich soil itself, accelerating the thaw of permafrost, and dumping even more carbon dioxide and methane into the atmosphere.

North American forests

Forest data from Landsat satellites

With decades of Landsat satellite imagery at their fingertips, researchers can track changes to North American forests since the mid-1980s. A warming climate is making its presence known.

Through the North American Forest Dynamics project, and a dataset based on Landsat imagery released this earlier this month, researchers can track where tree cover is disappearing through logging, wildfires, windstorms, insect outbreaks, drought, mountaintop mining, and people clearing land for development and agriculture. Equally, they can see where forests are growing back over past logging projects, abandoned croplands and other previously disturbed areas.

"One takeaway from the project is how active U.S. forests are, and how young American forests are," said Jeff Masek of Goddard, one of the project’s principal investigators along with researchers from the University of Maryland and the U.S. Forest Service. In the Southeast, fast-growing tree farms illustrate a human influence on the forest life cycle. In the West, however, much of the forest disturbance is directly or indirectly tied to climate. Wildfires stretched across more acres in Alaska this year than they have in any other year in the satellite record. Insects and drought have turned green forests brown in the Rocky Mountains. In the Southwest, pinyon-juniper forests have died back due to drought.

Scientists are studying North American forests and the carbon they store with other remote sensing instruments. With radars and lidars, which measure height of vegetation from satellite or airborne platforms, they can calculate how much biomass — the total amount of plant material, like trunks, stems and leaves — these forests contain. Then, models looking at how fast forests are growing or shrinking can calculate carbon uptake and release into the atmosphere. An instrument planned to fly on the International Space Station (ISS), called the Global Ecosystem Dynamics Investigation (GEDI) lidar, will measure tree height from orbit, and a second ISS mission called the Ecosystem Spaceborne Thermal Radiometer Experiment on Space Station (ECOSTRESS) will monitor how forests are using water, an indicator of their carbon uptake during growth. Two other upcoming radar satellite missions (the NASA-ISRO SAR radar, or NISAR, and the European Space Agency’s BIOMASS radar) will provide even more complementary, comprehensive information on vegetation.

Ocean carbon absorption

Ocean acidification

When carbon-dioxide-rich air meets seawater containing less carbon dioxide, the greenhouse gas diffuses from the atmosphere into the ocean as irresistibly as a ball rolls downhill. Today, about a quarter of human-produced carbon dioxide emissions get absorbed into the ocean. Once the carbon is in the water, it can stay there for hundreds of years.

Warm, CO 2 -rich surface water flows in ocean currents to colder parts of the globe, releasing its heat along the way. In the polar regions, the now-cool water sinks several miles deep, carrying its carbon burden to the depths. Eventually, that same water wells up far away and returns carbon to the surface; but the entire trip is thought to take about a thousand years. In other words, water upwelling today dates from the Middle Ages – long before fossil fuel emissions.

That's good for the atmosphere, but the ocean pays a heavy price for absorbing so much carbon: acidification. Carbon dioxide reacts chemically with seawater to make the water more acidic. This fundamental change threatens many marine creatures. The chain of chemical reactions ends up reducing the amount of a particular form of carbon — the carbonate ion — that these organisms need to make shells and skeletons. Dubbed the “other carbon dioxide problem,” ocean acidification has potential impacts on millions of people who depend on the ocean for food and resources.

Phytoplankton

Phytoplankton bloom

Microscopic, aquatic plants called phytoplankton are another way that ocean ecosystems absorb carbon dioxide emissions. Phytoplankton float with currents, consuming carbon dioxide as they grow. They are at the base of the ocean's food chain, eaten by tiny animals called zooplankton that are then consumed by larger species. When phytoplankton and zooplankton die, they may sink to the ocean floor, taking the carbon stored in their bodies with them.

Satellite instruments like the Moderate resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) on NASA's Terra and Aqua let us observe ocean color, which researchers can use to estimate abundance — more green equals more phytoplankton. But not all phytoplankton are equal. Some bigger species, like diatoms, need more nutrients in the surface waters. The bigger species also are generally heavier so more readily sink to the ocean floor.

As ocean currents change, however, the layers of surface water that have the right mix of sunlight, temperature and nutrients for phytoplankton to thrive are changing as well. “In the Northern Hemisphere, there’s a declining trend in phytoplankton,” said Cecile Rousseaux, an oceanographer with the Global Modeling and Assimilation Office at Goddard. She used models to determine that the decline at the highest latitudes was due to a decrease in abundance of diatoms. One future mission, the Pre-Aerosol, Clouds, and ocean Ecosystem (PACE) satellite, will use instruments designed to see shades of color in the ocean — and through that, allow scientists to better quantify different phytoplankton species.

In the Arctic, however, phytoplankton may be increasing due to climate change. The NASA-sponsored Impacts of Climate on the Eco-Systems and Chemistry of the Arctic Pacific Environment (ICESCAPE) expedition on a U.S. Coast Guard icebreaker in 2010 and 2011 found unprecedented phytoplankton blooms under about three feet (a meter) of sea ice off Alaska. Scientists think this unusually thin ice allows sunlight to filter down to the water, catalyzing plant blooms where they had never been observed before.

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What We Do: Case Studies in Climate Change

Field trip lets students study climate change in the living lab of Eastern California.

Danielle Underferth

When it comes to climate change, California provides an ideal case study. And Scot Miller wants his students to be where the science is.

Miller, an assistant professor in the Whiting School of Engineering, took students on a field trip to Death Valley this spring to round out their classwork for the seminar Case Studies in Climate Change. The trip was designed to give the group a thorough understanding of how the Earth’s climate has fluctuated over time, how those fluctuations can be traced in the physical environment, and how one state – California – is managing repercussions from the rapid, human-made changes underway now.

Studying the past to understand the present

Climate change is not a new phenomenon. Over the past several million years, the Earth's climate has changed dramatically, with periods dominated by roaming glaciers and even a “snowball Earth” phase, when the entire globe was covered in ice.

Death Valley National Park and Eastern California are excellent locations to observe evidence of these changes, says Miller. “The region is a hub of global research on past climate change.”

It’s also an ideal place to study and understand the impacts of current climate change, he says.

“There is arguably no state that is more heavily impacted by current climate change than California, and the state government has taken global leadership by enacting innovative climate mitigation and management policies.”

Learning across disciplines

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In order to understand climate trends and impacts, Miller’s students studied and did field work in the areas of geology, ecology, chemistry, meteorology, hydrology, and even public policy.

Activities included mapping and interpreting geological formations that show how the Earth swung from cold to hot climate extremes, measuring trees in different ecosystems to estimate how much carbon is locked up in certain ecosystems, and then modeling how carbon storage may change as those ecosystems adjust to a changing climate, collecting tree cores to observe variations in climate that stressed or benefited trees, and evaluating how California’s policies improve, or in some cases worsen climate stresses.

"The class was an amazing opportunity to learn about our climate not only through books and pictures but also through the experience of seeing the evidence of a changing climate in person,” said student Madi Miro. “It was definitely one of the best experiences I was able to have at Hopkins."

For Miller, it’s important for students to learn not just about how climate is changing, but also about how scientists track the magnitude and impacts of climate change.

“I strongly believe that field-based and experiential learning can bring academic material to life. While in the field, we can connect academic climate science and academic discussions of policy with real-world climate impacts that are already starting to occur,” he says. “Climate change is more than an abstract academic subject. It’s a phenomenon that’s happening in the here and now, and we can see these impacts around us if we know where to look.”

Environmental Health and Engineering is a cross-divisional department spanning the Bloomberg School of Public Health and the Whiting School of Engineering. This hybrid department is uniquely designed to lead pioneering research and prepare the next generation of scholars to solve critical and complex issues at the interface of public health and engineering.

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Introduction

1. root causes of climate change and climate injustices, 2. climate justice: distributional, procedural, and recognitional dimensions, 3. injustices of climate responses, 4. the pursuit of climate justice, questions for classroom discussions, acknowledgments, competing interests, climate justice in the global north : an introduction.

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Prakash Kashwan; Climate Justice in the Global North : An Introduction . Case Studies in the Environment 5 February 2021; 5 (1): 1125003. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/cse.2021.1125003

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This essay provides a broad-based and jargon-free introduction to climate justice to foster critical thinking, engaged discussions, and profound reflections. It introduces the reader to three dimensions of justice—distributional, procedural, and recognitional justice—and shows how each relates to climate justice. A unique contribution of this essay is to identify and discuss the following three blind spots in the debates on climate justice: (1) the tendency to focus heavily on post hoc effects of climate change while ignoring the root causes of climate change that also contribute to injustices; (2) assuming incorrectly that all climate action contributes to climate justice, even though some types of climate responses can produce new climate injustices; and (3) although scholars have studied the causes of climate injustices extensively, the specific pathways to climate justice remain underdeveloped. This essay concludes by showcasing a few examples of the ongoing pursuits of climate justice, led by social justice groups, local governments, and some government agencies.

Climate change is an existential threat to human civilization. The increased frequency of climate-related disasters has been responsible for the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives in different parts of the world. 1 Yet climate change does not affect everyone equally; its consequences are distributed unequally between world regions, countries, and social groups within countries.

Countries that make up the Global North, or the “developed countries” (For a useful discussion of the vocabulary of developing versus developed countries, see https://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/01/04/372684438/if-you-shouldnt-call-it-the-third-world-what-should-you-call-it .), have benefited significantly from the energy-intensive industrial development responsible for warming the earth’s atmosphere. However, the poorest countries pay a steep price, especially highly vulnerable small island nations (e.g., Kiribati, the Solomon Islands, Papa New Guinea, Haiti, and Guinea-Bissau) contributing the least to the climate crisis. Therefore, global policy experts often describe climate justice as an international issue.

The rapidly increasing emissions from China, India, and other middle-income countries cause concern, especially for the poor, who must bear the worst consequences of deteriorating land, water, and air quality. However, the climate crisis unfolding now is a result of the accumulation of greenhouse gases (GHGs) in the earth’s atmosphere since the Industrial Revolution, to which middle-income countries have contributed very little. According to one estimate, the United States alone has contributed nearly 35% of the total cumulative global CO 2 emissions since 1750. 2 Irrespective of where one stands on this debate, nationality and international borders are only two of several factors contributing to various types of climate injustices. Differences in income and wealth, race, gender, ethnicity, age, and sexual identities within countries also contribute significantly to climate injustices.

This essay’s primary goal is to introduce readers to climate justice questions within the Global North. Debating these questions in our backyard is vital because a focus on the poor people in the Global South detracts from a deeper understanding of inequalities and injustice at home. Equally important, a focus on the Global North allows for a better understanding of the root causes and the here-and-now nature of the currently unfolding climate crisis. The socially discriminatory effects of climate change are evident from the reportage of climate-related disasters in the United States and elsewhere, especially beginning with Hurricane Katrina [ 1 ]. Therefore, it is useful to think of climate justice as a framework to recognize and redress the unequal distribution of costs and burdens of climate change and climate responses of various types. Moreover, climate justice also requires ensuring that those affected most severely by climate change participate in brainstorming, developing, and implementing climate responses.

Attaining a substantive and deep understanding first requires recognizing three blind spots in climate justice discussions. One, even though the leading cause of climate change is related to energy-intensive lifestyles, most climate change discussions, including those on climate justice, often focus on the effects of climate change. A comprehensive explanation of climate justice requires avoiding such post hoc tendencies and centering our discussions on climate change’s root causes. Two, very often “radical” climate response is equated with climate justice, which does not hold in all circumstances. As the discussions below show, some radical climate responses may contribute to new kinds of injustices. Three, even though understanding the sources and the effects of climate injustices is necessary, such understanding does not translate easily into the specific actions needed to realize climate justice in practice. Accordingly, this essay concludes with a brief discussion of several ongoing pursuits of climate justice.

An in-depth inquiry into the historical trajectory of climate change and climate denialism of the past half century shows that the concentration of political and economic power has been a significant cause of the current climate crisis. The distribution of power influences how environmental amenities (e.g., clean air) and problems (e.g., pollution) are valued and distributed within national boundaries. The current economic system and the patterns of consumption it promotes are responsible for environmental degradation and environmental injustices [ 2 ]. For example, a select few multinational corporations control nearly all the global food business and consume 75% of the entire food sector’s energy requirements—but feed a much smaller proportion of the world’s population[ 3 ]. More broadly, the wealthiest 10% of the world’s population produces almost as much GHG emissions as the bottom 90% combined [ 4 ]. The extent of income inequalities within the United States and the UK shows that these inequalities are not merely due to the differences in national economic growth, which advocates of the free market often present as a solution to poverty and underdevelopment. For instance, income growth over the last few decades has lowered the well-being of large parts of the U.S. population while supporting profligate consumption among the wealthiest [ 5 ]. Such a lopsided distribution of economic growth benefits is responsible for increased precariousness among large sections of the Global North population, the climate crisis, and the myriad climate injustices.

One manifestation of the imbalances in political and economic power is corporate climate denialism, which powerful corporations engineered to protect the status quo’s benefits. Fossil fuel multinational corporations based in the United States have known since the early 1970s that the burning of fossil fuels caused global warming and climate change. The documents made public during the ongoing lawsuits against Exxon Mobil show that instead of acting on their knowledge of global warming, major fossil fuel corporations orchestrated a campaign of climate denialism [ 6 ]. These campaigns sowed seeds of doubt among the public and allowed the federal and state governments to continue supporting the fossil fuel industry’s expansion.

Data from the Washington-based Environmental and Energy Study Institute suggest that as of the year 2019, the U.S. government awarded approximately US$20 billion per year in direct subsidies to the fossil fuel industry. Eighty percent of these subsidies went to the natural gas and crude oil industries, while the coal industry received the remaining 20%. 3 Similarly, the European Union subsidizes the fossil fuel industry by an estimated 55 billion euros (or approximately US$65 billion) annually. These subsidies give fossil fuel corporations enormous power over governments in economically underdeveloped countries, such as Nigeria and Angola, where fossil fuel extraction occurs. Therefore, fossil fuel subsidies exacerbate international inequalities that date back to European colonization and continue to shape developmental disparities today [ 7 ].

The adverse environmental and public health impacts of fossil fuel subsidies cost the global community an estimated US$5.3 trillion in 2015 alone [ 8 ]. The costs of environmental toxicity burdens fall disproportionately on the poor and marginalized community groups who lack the political and economic power to hold the business and political actors to account. The situation is especially problematic in some of the poorest oil exporting countries, such as Angola and Nigeria. However, as the vast scholarship on environmental justice shows, the poor and racial minorities in the United States also suffer the worst consequences of environmental pollution from landfills, toxic waste dumps, and petrochemical facilities [ 9 ]. One particularly hard-hit area is a stretch of the Mississippi River between New Orleans and Baton Rouge, which hosts many highly polluting petrochemical facilities. Because of the pollution caused by the petrochemical industries, residents there have such high rates of cancer that the areas is known as the “Cancer Alley” [ 10 ]. Cancer Alley has been a focal point of the U.S. environmental justice movement for over three decades [ 11 ]. However, there has been no perceptible change in the extent of environmental injustices in the Cancer Alley and other Petrochemical hubs. These toxic hot spots create dangerous new hazards in the face of the calamities linked to the climate crisis.

Hurricane Laura made landfall in Louisiana in August 2020 with a wind speed of 150 mph, which made it the strongest Category 4 hurricane on record since 1856. A Yale University report suggested that climate change may explain the rapid intensification of Atlantic hurricanes, such as Laura, which caught the forecasters and the public off guard. 4 That results in even more severe impacts on the poor because they are least well prepared to confront these crises. These calamities are especially dangerous for communities living in areas such as Cancer Alley. Well into the second day after the deadly winds from Laura had died down, the residents of Mossville were grappling with the effects of toxic gases released from a fire that erupted during the storm in a chlorine plant owned by BioLab in Westlake, Louisiana. 5 Mossville constitutes an archetypical case of the confluence of environmental and climate injustices. Still, it is also a testimony to the deeply entrenched and ongoing effects of the history of slavery in the United States.

Mossville was founded in 1790 by formerly enslaved and free people of color, who sought refuge in a swamp to escape the oppression of segregation. They made it into a community that practiced agriculture, fishing, and hunting for generations. However, successive rounds of zoning decisions by White elected officials transformed Mossville into the “ground zero of the chemical industry boom.” 6 Industry owners forced most residents to sell off their properties. At the same time, those who stayed had no choice but to suffer the consequences of prolonged exposure to industrial pollution and toxic contamination. 7 Mossville’s struggles are not just a domestic issue either. The Lake Charles Chemical Complex responsible for devastating effects on the local environment and the health and well-being of Mossville residents is under the management of the South African Synthetic Oil Limited (SASOL). The apartheid-era South African government, hamstrung by international sanctions, established SASOL in 1950 to transform coal into fuel and chemicals using a technology developed by engineers in the Nazi-era Germany. 8 This environmentally degrading technology is no longer in use, but SASOL’s record of social and environmental impacts remains appalling.

The fossil fuel industry is also tightly coupled with the defense industry, which aids the U.S. foreign policy goal of controlling the supply of oil, rare minerals, other extractive industries, and strategic shipping lanes crucial for transportation. 9 It is common knowledge that the Bush administration’s desire to control oil supply was one of the primary motivations for the 1991 Gulf War against Iraq. The Department of Defense is the single largest consumer of energy in the United States and the world’s single largest institutional consumer of fossil fuels [ 12 ]. The so-called military-industrial complex 10 exists to influence political decisions to support state subsidies for the fossil fuel and petrochemical industries. In other words, political and administrative decisions, not some random mistakes or unavoidable trade-offs, are responsible for endangering the health of the planet and the lives of poor racial minorities in areas like Cancer Alley and communities like Mossville.

Tragically, the Black communities who suffer the most from these environmental injustices are also subject to myriad other injustices, such as the police brutalities that have catalyzed a global Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. Social scientists Lindsey Dillon and Julie Sze argue that the phrase “I can’t breathe,” which became a rallying cry for the BLM, points to the environmental and social conditions through which “breath is constricted or denied” [ 13 ]. The military-industrial complex is responsible, in more than one ways, for producing the “embodied insecurity of Black lives” [ 13 ]. For example, a Department of Defense program called “1033” enables local police departments to purchase “surplus” war zone equipment, including the mine-resistant ambush-protected vehicles. 11 The Ferguson Police Department deployed some of this military-grade equipment on the streets of Ferguson to suppress public protests against the police shooting and killing of 18-year-old Michael Brown. 12 Investigations by the Public Accountability Initiative, a nonprofit corporate and government accountability research institute, show that police foundations that support local police departments are partially funded by fossil fuel corporations such as Chevron, Shell and Wells Fargo. Their report concluded: “Many powerful companies that drive environmental injustice are also backers of the same police departments that tyrannize the very communities these corporate actors pollute” [ 14 , 15 ].

These complex links between social, environmental, and climate injustices are reminders that it may not always be useful to consider social, environmental, and climate injustices in isolation from one another. 13

“Climate justice” is commonly thought of as the unfair distribution of costs and burdens of climate change. However, two other dimensions of justice spelled out by justice theorists are equally important: procedural and recognitional justice. This section explains each of these three dimensions and their relation to pursuits of climate justice.

2.1. Distributional Effects of Climate Change

Distributional justice focuses on a fair distribution of costs and burdens of climate change and the societal responses to climate change. Vulnerability to climate change is a result of a lack of protection against risks linked to natural events. If everyone in society were equally protected, the costs and burdens related to a disaster would not fall disproportionately on some social groups. However, individuals and groups, such as racial minorities, homeless people, people with disabilities, single moms, and poor people, are more vulnerable to the effects of disasters. These vulnerabilities are a result of policies and programs that push racial minorities and other socially marginalized groups into poverty and destitution. Exclusionary zoning laws and redlining policies during the New Deal era illustrate this point well. The term “redlining” referred to the practice of drawing red lines on urban planning maps to identify African American neighborhoods as being “too risky to insure mortgages.” 14 These maps informed the actions of the Federal Housing Administration, the Veterans Administration, and Home Owners Loan Corp., thereby depriving African American towns and neighborhoods of public investments. The members of minority communities could not buy properties in some areas because the administration “reserved” these neighborhoods for affluent White families [ 16 ].

This history of urban segregation and racially prejudiced urban and suburban developments is why inner-city neighborhoods lack basic civic amenities and infrastructure that middle-class neighborhoods take for granted. These historical legacies translate into increased vulnerabilities in the context of the climate crisis. For example, an estimated 400,000 New Yorkers who live in the New York City Housing Authority’s public housing developments bore the worst effects of Hurricane Sandy in October–November 2012. The floods that occurred because of Hurricane Sandy greatly exacerbated rampant mold problems in these projects, with far-reaching health impacts for residents with respiratory illnesses [ 14 ]. The quality and affordability of housing for minorities are also among the causes of “energy poverty” or high energy burden, which is the percentage of income a person or household spends on energy [ 17 , 18 ]. Energy poverty makes it difficult to cope with the impacts of storms and floods while also leaving the energy-poor families vulnerable to the shocks related to increased energy prices that could result from a transition to renewable energy.

The problem is equally or even more severe in the predominantly African American rural areas. For instance, a 2017 report in the American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene found that among 55 adults surveyed in Lowndes County, Alabama, 34.5% tested positive for hookworms. The presence of this intestinal parasite is a sign of extreme poverty. Specifically, it results from an inadequate sewage system with cracked pipes of untreated waste that contaminate drinking water. In some places, this results in open pools of raw sewage, which flush human feces back into kitchen sinks and bathtubs during the rainy season [ 19 ]. Environmental and climate justice activist Catherine Flowers argues that the intensification of heavy rains and floods because of the ongoing climate crisis is overwhelming the broken sewer systems and undermining poor African Americans’ lives and livelihoods [ 20 ].

The distributive injustices of the economic system have become even more pronounced in the presence of large and increasing wealth and income inequalities. These distributional inequalities affect entire regions and local juridisctions, undermining their ability to provide civil amenities in the aftermath of a natural disaster and ensure human security. A stark reflection of these distributional consequences is that the poor and the marginalized experience the most devastating impacts of a climate disaster, that is, the loss of human lives.

2.2. Procedural Rights

Another important dimension of climate justice is procedural justice, which refers to whether and how the groups most affected by climate change have meaningful opportunities to participate in brainstorming, designing, and implementing climate responses. Historically, African Americans and other racial minorities have been under-represented in environmental and climate movements. The U.S. environmental justice movement has been calling attention to this issue for a quarter of a century, yet the problem of a lack of diversity persists. Research on 191 conservation and preservation organizations, 74 government environmental agencies, and 28 environmental grant-making foundations shows that racial minorities constitute 16% of staff and board members. Once recruited, members of minority communities tend to concentrate in lower ranks, trapped beneath a glass ceiling [ 21 ]. Although environmental institutions have made significant progress on gender diversity, such gains have mostly accrued to White women [ 21 ]. Such an under-representation in environmental movements leads to the exclusion of minorities from policy-making processes, which also creates the mistaken assumption that racial minorities are too poor to care about the environment or climate change. However, nationally representative surveys show that people of color, including Hispanics/Latinos, African Americans, and other non-White racial/ethnic groups, are more concerned than Whites about climate change [ 22 ]. Even so, higher levels of awareness are not sufficient to foster meaningful participation, which requires carefully designed processes that facilitate respectful engagement between members of marginalized groups and decision makers, such as city leaders [ 23 ].

The involvement of those affected most by climate change is essential for two key reasons. First, there are legal, statutory, political reasons for ensuring broad-based participation. Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development sets out three fundamental access rights: access to information, access to public participation, and access to justice as key pillars of sound environmental governance [ 24 ]. Agenda 21 has subsequently been integrated into various national, provincial, and local statutes and continues to be a source of learning for the ongoing debates about just transition [ 25 ]. The access rights are also in conformity with recognizing political and civil rights as the essence of universal rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. A second reason for ensuring local participation has to do with the substantive effects of an inclusive process. Those most affected by the climate crisis are also likely to contribute the most insightful ideas about how best to address the vulnerabilities that produce climate injustices in the first place. For example, the Office of Sustainability in the city of Providence, RI, partnered with the city’s Racial and Environmental Justice Committee to make sure that the city’s climate action plan adhered to the Just Providence Framework developed previously by the city residents and leaders. 15 This process turned out to be so successful that the city’s Climate Action Plan metamorphosed into a Climate Justice Plan. Additionally, the city’s Office of Sustainability adopted a system of governance that is based on collaborating actively and routinely with community-based organizations. 16

2.3. “Recognitional” Justice

The promises of procedural justice remain unfulfilled in many cases because people from all social groups are not always recognized as legitimate actors, whose understanding of a problem and whose interests and priorities should inform the design and implementation of policies and programs [ 26 ]. On the other hand, marginalized groups are subject to mis recognition, which Nancy Fraser refers to as an institutionalized pattern of cultural values that “constitutes some social actors as less than full members of society and prevents them from participating as peers” [ 27 ]. Thus, the twin concepts of recognition and misrecognition are related to patterns of “privilege and oppression,” which manifest in the form of “cultural domination, being rendered invisible, and routine stereotyping or maligning in public representations” [ 26 ]. In a very profound way, recognition and misrecognition are the foundational questions of climate justice with wide-ranging consequences. As David Schlosberg has argued, a lack of respect and recognition often leads to a decline in a person’s or a group’s “membership and participation in the greater community, including the political and institutional order” [ 28 ]. Therefore, a lack of recognition presents a formidable barrier against addressing procedural and distributional concerns.

The following example illustrates how questions of recognition manifest in climate policy contexts. Harvey, a category 4 hurricane, struck Houston in August 2017. Maria, a category 5 hurricane, struck Puerto Rico in September. A review of public records from the Federal Emergency Management Agency and interviews with more than 50 people involved with disaster response revealed that the Trump administration’s response was far more swift in Houston than Puerto Rico, which experienced far greater destruction [ 29 ]. Many Puerto Ricans believed that this was more evidence that the president viewed them as “second-class American citizens” [ 30 ]. On numerous occasions, President Trump criticized Puerto Rico for being a “mess” and its leaders as “crazed and incompetent,” which constitutes an instance of misrecognition [ 31 ]. The Governor of Puerto Rico Tweeted, “Mr. President, once again, we are not your adversaries, we are your citizens” [ 31 ]. The Governor of Puerto Rico felt that the Trump administration did not recognize their rights as U.S. citizens, which influenced how the federal government responded to the most devastating climate-related disaster to date in the United States. Such lack of recognition or misrecognition is not new; it did not start with the Trump administration. Even though Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens, the national political process treats them as subordinates. They do not have voting representation in the U.S. Congress or the Presidential elections. Unfortunately, a more detailed analysis is beyond the scope of this essay. Still, other scholars show how the environmental and climate injustices experienced by the people of Puerto Rico result from a long history of colonialism, occupation of large parts of the island’s territory by the U.S. Navy, and the neoliberal policies imposed on the island [ 32 , 33 ].

African American citizens in the United States have had very similar experiences, even though the political process does not disadvantage them formally. The dominant narratives used in media and political discourse, which often describe African American men as aggressive, angry, and prone to criminal violence, reinforce longstanding prejudices against racial minorities. Such negative constructions of social identities lead some to perceive the presence of African American men in the wilderness, or even in parks, as suspicious or threatening. A May 2020 incident involving an African American birder in New York’s Central Park illustrates the point. The birder asked a White woman jogger to leash her dog, as the law required. However, instead of following the park rules, the woman called the cops on the birder. A video recorded by the birder and circulated widely on social media showed the woman repeatedly telling the cops on the phone that “there’s an African American man threatening my life” [ 34 ]. Afterward, several other African American birders and hikers shared similar racial profiling experiences on social media with hashtags like #BirdingWhileBlack and #HikingWhileBlack. A common theme evident in each of these experiences is that many White people in the United States do not perceive or recognize Black people as birders, nature photographers, or hikers [ 35 , 36 ].

Other social groups, such as indigenous people and Latinx, are also often subject to prejudices and profiling, which contribute to the negative construction of their identities and instances of misrecognition in society and politics [ 37 ]. As Nancy Fraser argues, misrecognition and negative stereotyping can contribute to the institutionalization of prejudiced norms within public policies and programs, for example, via the zoning and redlining practices that sacrifice the interests of negatively portrayed groups. Notwithstanding the racialized histories of urban development in the United States and elsewhere, some commentators argue that the considerations of social justice will muddle the efforts to decarbonize the economy “quickly and efficiently.” 17 This argument draws on the perspective that there are significant trade-offs between climate action and climate justice.

One relevant example is hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, which many see as a boon for providing abundant natural gas supplies crucial to the “transition” away from the dirty fuel of coal. They argue that the relatively more climate-friendly energy available from natural gas, coupled with economic benefits that local communities gain in the short term, must be weighed against the risks of adverse public health and environmental consequences. 18 Yet, laws that protect the privacy of proprietary data hinder public access to information about the health and ecological consequences of the chemical cocktails used in fracking, even though such information is vital to the goals of public health and environmental protections. Overall, a broader systems approach suggests a significantly more extensive set of adverse consequences, including the “impacts from the decline in water quality on soil, land, and ecosystem productivity (crops/animal health); effects of fracking-related air pollution on pollinators; effects on the development of local, alternative food systems; and, fracking-related boom-bust dynamics” [ 38 ]. The range of these negative consequences raise questions about the narratives of trade-offs in fracking .

Some proponents of a speedy transition to renewable energy also cite the supposed tradeoff between efficiency and equity to argue for allowing competent energy companies to develop, install, and own industrial-scale renewable energy grids. However, this view ignores the many benefits of wide-ranging consultations and collaborations with local communities that could enhance the public acceptance and efficacy of renewable energy infrastructure [ 39 ]. Somewhat ironically, some of the most challenging trade-offs may be witnessed in communities most vulnerable to climate change, for example, indigenous communities that seek to secure their “sovereignty by the barrel” because the compulsions borne out of marginality constrain their choices for economic development. 19 Such a “take it or leave it” scenario of limited choices reflects longstanding disadvantages, which the ongoing climate crisis is likely to exacerbate. Overall, it is crucial to investigate the arguments about potential trade-offs in a nuanced way so that some parties do not weaponize these arguments [ 40 ].

Climate response has three components: mitigation, which refers to actions that help reduce emissions of GHGs; adaptation, which refers to measures that reduce vulnerability to the consequences of climate change; and resilience, which refers to the properties that enable a socioecological system to withstand the shocks of climate change. Although adaptation and resilience are closely intertwined, adaptation actions are generally thought of as responses to climate change impacts, while resilience actions are anticipatory. Each of these three types of “climate responses” has important implications for justice. Additionally, we briefly consider the importance of taking an intersectional approach to understanding climate action’s justice effects.

A central component of the efforts to mitigate climate change is to curtail carbon emissions linked to energy-intensive consumption. However, in democratic societies, one cannot merely ban or arbitrarily restrict energy-intensive activities, not least because many of these activities are a source of employment and other means of economic wellbeing for many lower-income families. The next best option is to put a price on carbon emissions, commonly referred to as “carbon tax,” which many scholars and practitioners see as one of the most effective means of climate mitigation. If we lived in a world of economic and wealth equality, a carbon tax would simply realign economic incentives without imposing excessive burdens on specific social groups. However, in the presence of massive economic and wealth inequalities, a carbon tax would affect poor and/or racial minority households very differently compared to others. Unless subsistence items, such as food, water, and energy were protected from the inflationary effects of carbon taxes, even a moderate level of the carbon tax could make these items too expensive for the poor in the United States.

In Paris, the Yellow Vest protestors cited economic inequalities and the unfairness of the gas tax that President Emmanuel Macron announced in 2019 as one of the main reasons for the protests. The protestors felt that it was unfair to ask low- and middle-income folks to “make sacrifices while rich people aren’t paying taxes anymore.” This feeling of unfairness contributed to “a sense of despair, as well as a sense of social injustice” [ 41 ]. The adverse effects of climate mitigation are not always contained within the national borders, though.

Carbon offsets projects, including some that may be funded by environmentally conscious consumers paying an airline a little extra to offset the emissions linked to their air travel, have been implicated in the dispossession and displacements of indigenous groups in different parts of the world. 20 Such projects may be less problematic when implemented within the Global North, characterized by the security of property rights and a robust rule of law. These conditions do not apply to most terrestrial carbon offset projects in Africa or Asia. Over 95% of forestlands are legally defined as public lands, even though most of these lands have been used customarily by indigenous peoples and other rural populations. Under those conditions, the financial returns linked to carbon offset projects incentivize powerful government agencies and private actors to set aside these lands for carbon offset projects, including in countries where customary land tenures are protected under the statute. The international community has developed social safeguards and other codes of conduct to regulate offset projects. However, research by the Center for International Forestry Research, the Oakland Institute, and the Rights & Resources Initiative shows that international offset projects contribute to widespread human rights violations [ 42 , 43 ].

Similarly, a large-scale switch to renewables, including electric or hybrid batteries, windmills, and solar panels, could lead to a sudden spike in demand for rare minerals, such as copper and cobalt. The mining of these minerals also often contributes to gross human rights abuses, including child labor and the degradation and depletion of natural resources, such as water, forests, and pastures crucial for local livelihoods in the Global South [ 44 ]. For these reasons, some scholars argue that industrial-scale renewable energy infrastructure can be as exploitative as the fossil fuel industry practices have been. Noticeably, this argument applies to industrial-scale renewable infrastructure. Renewable energy resources can also exist in the form of “energy commons,” which give local communities real stakes in making decisions about siting, pricing, and profit-sharing [ 45 ]. Such democratization of energy infrastructure is crucial for implementing a transition plan that suits the site-specific requirements.

Some consider climate adaptation, that is, the measures designed to deal with the climate crisis, to be synonymous with climate justice. The argument is that if the worst consequences of climate change fall on the poor and the marginalized, any interventions meant to adapt to climate change would necessarily help the poor. Yet not all climate adaptation measures are created equal. For example, coastal adaptation measures in response to sea-level rise should help sustain rather than disrupt subsistence and artisanal fishing, which are the mainstay of livelihood strategies for many coastal frontline communities. More broadly, as Dean Hardy and colleagues argue, “the land facing inundation is racialized land…that has been appropriated, settled, cultivated, and distributed through a long history of deeply racialized projects” [ 46 ]. They argue that sea-level rise adaptation planning must recognize the reality of such “racial coastal formations” and must commit to “resist the reproduction of and reinvestments in racial inequality in responses to climate change” [ 46 ].

The failure to address racial inequalities means that many urban climate adaptation interventions, such as public transit systems, public parks, and improved civic amenities, may increase property prices or rentals, which makes some areas unaffordable to their current residents. These changes lead to urban gentrification, which refers to the changes in a neighborhood’s composition because of changes in property values. It is called climate gentrification when such changes are related to climate change [ 47 ]. The framework of climate gentrification helps illuminate the social determinants of vulnerability. For example, as the rising sea levels and frequent flooding threaten expensive properties on Miami’s famed beaches, wealthy people invest in properties inland. The flux of new investments and new wealthy residents makes the previously low-income neighborhoods too costly to afford for low-income groups [ 48 ]. As human geographer Jesse Ribot has argued, “vulnerability does not fall from the sky” [ 49 ]. Considering that socioeconomic deprivations contribute to climate change-related vulnerabilities, any efforts to address climate injustice must address such disadvantages.

The discussions above demonstrate that climate injustices are not just about the “climate system” or “global warming” but are rooted firmly in the unequal patterns of vulnerabilities shaped by the distribution of social and political power and economic inequalities. Climate change’s social consequences manifest in outcomes related to urban development patterns, energy prices, urban transportation, food production, and food markets. By implication, the pursuit of climate justice also requires addressing these various sectors of the economy and society. The following are some examples of how local governments, civic groups, academic institutions, and social movements seek to pursue climate justice.

The fossil-fuel divestment movement popularized by 350.org has grown to secure commitments to divest more than US$14 trillion worth of investments made by more than 1,230 institutions, including religious institutions, pension funds, university endowments, and large charitable foundations. College students from several universities in the United States, Europe, and elsewhere have made significant contributions to the global fossil fuel divestment movement’s ongoing success [ 50 ]. The decline of the fossil fuel industry, including the state-owned oil corporations in some of the largest oil producing countries, will undoubtedly lower environmental pollution and contribute to environmental and climate justice. Another example from the energy sector is the 2019 Tennessee Valley Energy Democracy Tour, which focused on building a collective grassroots vision for an egalitarian energy future in the communities impacted by the New Deal era projects of the Tennessee Valley Authority. 21 This tour served as a good reminder of why we need to pay attention to the historical legacies of unequal development and socioeconomic marginalization. Transformative reforms in state-level energy policies and programs are other crucial elements necessary for fostering an inclusive clean energy action. The Washington-based Institute for Local Self-Reliance scores and ranks states on their energy policies, specifically their devolution and inclusiveness [ 51 ]. Such rankings create useful resources for grassroots actors and could help foster healthy competition among states.

Climate justice interventions related to urban areas include the Miami City Commission’s resolution directing the city managers to research urban gentrification and ways of stabilizing property tax rates in lower income areas located further inland [ 52 ]. City governments can act to institutionalize other means of fostering a healthy urban ecosystem. In 2019, the Boston City Council voted unanimously to enact a Good Food Purchasing Program (GFPP) for a more equitable food purchasing system at public institutions. Seven other cities, including Los Angeles, Chicago, and Cincinnati, have also adopted GFPP policies [ 53 ]. These initiatives help urban populations cut down on their reliance on imported food items that leave a significant carbon footprint. In doing so, they also undercut the stronghold of industrial agriculture, which is a large consumer of fossil fuels and one of the major causes of global climate change [ 54 ]. Equally important, food ordinances can help improve the profitability of urban and peri-urban agro-ecological farming, which is associated with multiple social, economic, environmental, and climate-related benefits [ 55 ]. More broadly, instead of privatizing urban infrastructure or having monopolistic state control, reimagining the city as a “commons” gives urban residents a collective stake in a city’s resources [ 56 ]. Democratizing urban governance—that is, allowing urban residents a meaningful say in the conduct of the ongoing affairs in a city—is an important prerequisite for incorporating concerns of ecology and environment into our urban imaginations.

La Via Campesina , a transnational social movement, promotes agroecology and food sovereignty by engaging with all relevant actors, including the United Nations at the global level and peasant federations at the subnational level. They have been instrumental in the successful enactment of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas. La Via Campesina engages with 182 organizations representing an estimated 200 million farmers from 81 countries throughout Africa, Asia, Europe, and the Americas. Another example of a grassroots network that has made a global impact is the Indigenous Environmental Network (IEN), founded in 1990 in Bemidji, MN, to address environmental and economic justice issues. IEN has also been one of the key actors in the global climate justice movement, mainly via its participation in the annual United Nations Climate Change meetings. The IEN has recently launched a People’s Orientation to a Regenerative Economy: Protect, Repair, Invest and Transform to put indigenous sovereignty and values at the front and center of collective efforts toward a sustainable future [ 57 ].

These are some examples of interventions from various actors and agencies invested in the pursuits of climate justice. Each of the examples cited above addresses a specific policy and programmatic area relevant to the daily lives of the people at the frontlines of climate change. However, the energy-intensive luxury consumption in the Global North and in some sections of the Global South that contribute significantly to the climate crisis does not receive adequate attention from policy makers. Our collective efforts to address climate change are unlikely to succeed if we fail to reduce consumption, especially the consumption of goods and services linked to “luxury emissions,” such as privately owned planes. The average carbon footprint of the wealthiest 1% of people globally could be 175 times that of the poorest 10% [ 58 ]. On the other hand, large sections of populations in the global South are still grappling with the provision of necessities such as nutritious food, safe drinking water, and a reliable supply of clean energy. Hundreds of millions also lack access to amenities such as sanitation systems, schools, and hospitals, as reflected in the United Nations 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The emissions related to these activities are called “survival emissions” [ 59 ]. Some climate policy discussions tend to obfuscate these distinctions using the language of “human footprint” and “population problem” [ 60 ]. Such framings create a false equivalence between luxury consumption and survival emissions, while accounting for these distinctions provides policy guidance for climate policies that can be both just and efficient.

As the discussion on fossil fuel subsidies demonstrates, the patterns of consumption and deprivation are products of political and economic structures. National policies and the actions of powerful state and non-state corporate actors have severe consequences for what happens at the local level. Any high-level reforms would not necessarily translate into a realization of climate justice without social and political mobilization at the grassroots level. For over three decades, environmental and social justice movements have struggled to bring these issues to the public agenda both in the United States and globally. Advocates of climate justice would benefit from building on the insights and lessons from these movements [ 61 ]. Additionally, transformative reforms in the economy and society, executed via the federal or state-level agencies, are also equally important. We must seek to address the limits of liberal state, which are responsible for the entrenchment of racial capitalism and the climate crisis [ 62 ]. Climate justice calls for wide-ranging reforms and concerted actions in the cultural, social, economic, and political spheres.

What separates climate action advocacy from climate justice advocacy?

Is it too much to expect climate justice advocates to also address questions of social injustices of race, gender, and sexual identity, among others?

In your assessment, are links between the military-industrial complex, the Black Lives Matter movement, and the outcomes of environmental and climate justice that this essay suggest a bit “over the top”? Why or why not?

Do the simultaneous pursuits of climate response and climate justice necessarily entail trade-offs? What factors must be considered in assessing the extent of a trade-off in any given situation?

How does the consideration of a plurality of values to define human well-being affect our assessment of trade-offs in climate action/climate justice debates?

How could we reorient our food systems to promote socially just climate responses?

What role can municipal governments play in promoting climate justice?

Are the arguments about “city as a commons” or “energy commons” part of utopian thinking that cannot be translated into pragmatic policy reforms?

What roles do consumers and citizens play in advancing the goals of climate justice?

Could you think of examples of policies and programs not discussed above that might also contribute to climate justice? For each example, please explain the specific contribution to climate justice.

The author acknowledges the generous and insightful comments by Sikina Jinnah on the first two drafts and comments by Betty Hanson on the penultimate draft. The original impetus for this pedagogical note came from a new course I developed at the University of Connecticut, Storrs. I am thankful to the students who took the class in spring 2019, who engaged vigorously with the note and contributed to its expansion to its present form.

The author has declared that no competing interests exist.

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

An additional 250,000 deaths a year are attributed to climate change, though that number continues to be contested by others who argue that the global death toll related to the ongoing climate crisis is likely to be much higher. https://www.cnn.com/2019/01/16/health/climate-change-health-emergency-study/index.html .

https://www.vox.com/energy-and-environment/2019/4/24/18512804/climate-change-united-states-china-emissions .

https://www.eesi.org/papers/view/fact-sheet-fossil-fuel-subsidies-a-closer-look-at-tax-breaks-and-societal-costs .

https://yaleclimateconnections.org/2020/08/climate-change-is-causing-more-rapid-intensification-of-atlantic-hurricanes/ .

https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2020/08/28/hurricane-laura-chemicals-pollution/ .

https://www.sierraclub.org/change/2016/09/climate-justice-and-climate-apartheid .

The author owes the knowledge of these international connections to the screening of the documentary Mossville: When Great Trees Fall as part of Scalawag’s “Breathing While Black” virtual event on June 25, 2020. See https://www.scalawagmagazine.org/about/ ; and http://www.mossvilleproject.com/ .

https://slate.com/business/2006/10/the-nazi-germany-apartheid-south-africa-invention-that-could-make-oil-obsolete.html .

https://www.commondreams.org/views/2019/09/26/10-ways-climate-crisis-and-militarism-are-intertwined .

https://www.britannica.com/topic/military-industrial-complex .

https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/2014/08/13/ferguson-police-michael-brown-militarization-column/14006383/ .

https://www.theatlantic.com/national/archive/2014/08/the-pentagon-gave-the-ferguson-police-department-military-grade-weapons/376033/ .

https://mn350.org/2020/06/black-lives-matter-there-is-no-climate-justice-without-racial-justice/ .

https://www.npr.org/2017/05/03/526655831/a-forgotten-history-of-how-the-u-s-government-segregated-america .

https://grist.org/article/providence-shows-other-cities-how-environmental-justice-is-done/ .

Anon. 2019. The City of Providence’s Climate Justice Plan.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/want-a-green-new-deal-heres-a-better-one/2019/02/24/2d7e491c-36d2-11e9-af5b-b51b7ff322e9_story.html .

https://www.aeaweb.org/research/fracking-shale-local-impact-net .

https://indiancountrytoday.com/archive/sovereignty-by-the-barrel-tribe-takes-control-of-oil-production-4F796kUAo0S2GrEx3TfGbw .

https://redd-monitor.org/2016/10/19/five-responses-to-the-aviation-industrys-carbon-offsetting-scam/ .

The tour was co-organized by Appalachian Voices, Science for the People, Statewide Organizing for Community eMpowerment (SOCM), Working Films, and a group of community members and organizers in the greater Knoxville area. http://appvoices.org/2019/11/26/re-envisioning-public-power-in-the-tennessee-valley/ .

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Climate Change Collection

HKS climate change cases span the globe and cover a variety of disciplines from economics to leadership, and from energy policy to international trade. For your convenience, this resource has been categorized in two ways: by topic and by region .

Climate Change Cases by Topic

Climate change cases by region.

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Negotiating toward the Paris Accords: WWF and the Role of Forests in the 2015 Climate Agreement  by Pamela Varley and Robert Wilkinson

Shaping the Future of Solar Power: Climate Change, Industrial Policy and Free Trade by Anjani Datla and Robert Lawrence

Shaping the Future of Solar Power: Climate Change, Industrial Policy and Free Trade (B)  by Anjani Datla and Robert Lawrence

Solar Panels and Safeguards: Rising Tensions in the Global Trading System by Anjani Datla and Robert Lawrence

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Buchanan Renewables: Bringing Power to Liberia  by Tamara Heimur, Henry Lee, and Akash Deep Evaluating the Impact of Solar Lamps in Uganda  by Anjani Datla, Dan Levy, and Patricia Garcia-Rios

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Fighting Pollution with Data: Environmental Audits and the Gujarat Pollution Control Board and sequel   by Anjani Datla and Rohini Pande

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Central America

Costa Rica's Forests and the Market for Carbon Emissions Reduction Credits by Rene Castro Salazar and Jose Gomez-Ibanez

Rural Electrification in Nicaragua (Abridged)  by Tahir Sheikh and Jose Gomez-Ibanez

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South America

Integrating Renewable Energy in Argentina  by Anjani Datla and Henry Lee

Untapped Potential: Renewable Energy in Argentina  and  sequel  by Anjani Datla and Henry Lee

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U.S., Canada, and Europe

A Cascade of Emergencies: Responding to Superstorm Sandy in New York City (A)  by David W. Giles and Arnold M. Howitt 

A Cascade of Emergencies: Responding to Superstorm Sandy in New York City (B)  by David W. Giles and Arnold M. Howitt  Ambitious but Achievable: Using Land Use and Transportation Plans to Reduce GHG Emissions in California  and  sequel  by David Luberoff, Carl Allen, and Jose Gomez-Ibanez Caño Martín Peña: Land Ownership and Politics Collide in Puerto Rico  by Patricia Garcia-Rios and Quinton Mayne Choosing the Road Less Traveled: How Cycling Took Hold in Copenhagen by Pamela Varley and Quinton Mayne

Climate Resilience in New York City: The Battle over East River Park  by Patricia Garcia-Rios and Justin de Benedictis-Kessner Corporate Average Fuel Economy Standards 2017-2025  by Anjani Datla and Albert Nichols Electric Vehicles in Cities  by Yennga Khuong and Jose Gomez-Ibanez Gainesville Regional Utilities' Feed-in Tariff  and  epilogue  by Leah Stokes and Henry Lee

Greenland and the Paris Agreement  by Katie Segal, Elsenguaq Silassen, and Halla Hrund Logadóttir Iceland's Energy Policy: Finding the Right Path Forward  by Halla Hrund Logadóttir and Henry Lee Implementing the Inflation Reduction Act: Can the Tax Code Transform American Energy?  by Laura Winig and John D. Donahue Innovation at GSA: Zero Environmental Footprint and the Extreme Challenge (A)  by James Quinn, Patricia Garcia-Rios, and Steven Kelman Miami-Dade County and Sea Rise  and  sequel  by Henry Lee, Natalie Unterstell, Shauna Theel, and Pinar De Neve Mothers Out Front by Laura Winig and Marshall Ganz Pricing Carbon: The Birth of British Columbia's Carbon Tax  and  sequel  by Anjani Datla and Henry Lee Oregon's Wind Energy Health Impact Assessment  by David Tannenwald and Arnold M. Howitt Power Partnership: The Creation of a Hybrid Electric Delivery Truck Eaton, Fedex, and Environmental Defense  by Barbara J. Mack and Alan Trager The California Global Warming Solutions Act (AB32)  by Jose Gomez-Ibanez The Challenge of Adapting to Climate Change: King County Brings Local Action to a Global Threat  and  sequel  by Pamela Varley and John D. Donahue This Far and No Further: The Rise and Fall of the Committee on Earth and Environmental Sciences  by David Kennedy and Bill Clark

Economics of Climate Change

Corporate Average Fuel Economy Standards 2017-2025  by Anjani Datla and Albert Nichols Pricing Carbon: The Birth of British Columbia's Carbon Tax  and  sequel  by Anjani Datla and Henry Lee Shaping the Future of Solar Power: Climate Change, Industrial Policy and Free Trade  by Anjani Datla and Robert Lawrence

Shaping the Future of Solar Power: Climate Change, Industrial Policy and Free Trade (B)  by Anjani Datla and Robert Lawrence Solar Panels and Safeguards: Rising Tensions in the Global Trading System  by Anjani Datla and Robert Lawrence Untapped Potential: Renewable Energy in Argentina  and  sequel  by Anjani Datla and Henry Lee 

Return to Topics

Government and Regulation Buchanan Renewables: Bringing Power to Liberia  by Tamara Heimur, Henry Lee, and Akash Deep Choosing the Road Less Traveled: How Cycling Took Hold in Copenhagen  by Pamela Varley and Quinton Mayne Corporate Average Fuel Economy Standards 2017-2025  by Anjani Datla and Albert Nichols Gainesville Regional Utilities' Feed-in Tariff  and  epilogue  by Leah Stokes and Henry Lee Miami-Dade County and Sea Rise  and  sequel  by Henry Lee, Natalie Unterstell, Shauna Theel, and Pinar De Neve Pricing Carbon: The Birth of British Columbia's Carbon Tax  and  sequel  by Anjani Datla and Henry Lee The California Global Warming Solutions Act (AB32)  by Jose Gomez-Ibanez The Challenge of Adapting to Climate Change: King County Brings Local Action to a Global Threat  and  sequel  by Pamela Varley and John D. Donahue

Evidence and Decision-Making Evaluating the Impact of Solar Lamps in Uganda  by Anjani Datla, Dan Levy, and Patricia Garcia-Rios Fighting Pollution with Data: Environmental Audits and the Gujarat Pollution Control Board  and  sequel  by Anjani Datla and Rohini Pande Mothers Out Front  by Laura Winig and Marshall Ganz

Leadership and Negotiation Innovation at GSA: Zero Environmental Footprint and the Extreme Challenge (A)  by James Quinn, Patricia Garcia-Rios, and Steven Kelman Mothers Out Front  by Laura Winig and Marshall Ganz Negotiating toward the Paris Accords: WWF & the Role of Forests in the 2015 Climate Agreement  by Pamela Varley and Robert Wilkinson Pricing Carbon: The Birth of British Columbia's Carbon Tax  and  sequel  by Anjani Datla and Henry Lee The Challenge of Adapting to Climate Change: King County Brings Local Action to a Global Threat  and  sequel  by Pamela Varley and John D. Donahue This Far and No Further: The Rise and Fall of the Committee on Earth and Environmental Sciences  by David Kennedy and Bill Clark

Energy Policy and Renewables

Ambitious but Achievable: Using Land Use and Transportation Plans to Reduce GHG Emissions in California  and  sequel  by David Luberoff, Carl Allen, and Jose Gomez-Ibanez Buchanan Renewables: Bringing Power to Liberia  by Tamara Heimur, Henry Lee, and Akash Deep Caño Martín Peña: Land Ownership and Politics Collide in Puerto Rico  by Patricia Garcia-Rios and Quinton Mayne Costa Rica's Forests and the Market for Carbon Emissions Reduction Credits  by Rene Castro Salazar and Jose Gomez-Ibanez Electric Vehicles in Cities  by Yennga Khuong and Jose Gomez-Ibanez Greenland and the Paris Agreement  by Katie Segal, Elsenguaq Silassen, and Halla Hrund Logadóttir

Iceland's Energy Policy: Finding the Right Path Forward  by Halla Hrund Logadóttir and Henry Lee Implementing the Inflation Reduction Act: Can the Tax Code Transform American Energy?  by Laura Winig and John D. Donahue Integrating Renewable Energy in Argentina  by Anjani Datla and Henry Lee Oregon's Wind Energy Health Impact Assessment  by David Tannenwald and Arnold M. Howitt Power Partnership: The Creation of a Hybrid Electric Delivery Truck Eaton, Fedex, and Environmental Defense  by Barbara J. Mack and Alan Trager

Rural Electrification in Nicaragua (Abridged)  by Tahir Sheikh and Jose Gomez-Ibanez

Disaster Preparedness

A Cascade of Emergencies: Responding to Superstorm Sandy in New York City (B)  by David W. Giles and Arnold M. Howitt Climate Resilience in New York City: The Battle over East River Park  by Patricia Garcia-Rios and Justin de Benedictis-Kessner  Miami-Dade County and Sea Rise  and  sequel  by Henry Lee, Natalie Unterstell, Shauna Theel, and Pinar De Neve

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  • v.108(Suppl 2); Apr 2018

Climate Change, Public Health, and Policy: A California Case Study

CONTRIBUTORS

Anthropogenic activity will bring immediate changes and disruptions to the global climate with accompanying health implications. Although policymakers and public health advocates are beginning to acknowledge the health implications of climate change, current policy approaches are lagging behind.

We proposed that 4 key policy principles are critical to successful policymaking in this arena: mainstreaming, linking mitigation and adaptation policy, applying population perspectives, and coordination. We explored California’s progress in addressing the public health challenges of climate change in the San Joaquin Valley as an example.

We discussed issues of mental health and climate change, and used the San Joaquin Valley of California as an example to explore policy approaches to health issues and climate change. The California experience is instructive for other jurisdictions.

Climate change is currently affecting the health of populations and is projected to do so far into the future. 1 With the current chaotic policy environment in the United States, gains made in policy addressing climate change may be reversed or halted at the federal level. Without continued progress on these issues, it will likely become more difficult in the future to address the potential serious health implications of climate change. In this environment, it may be critical for states to lead when the federal government lags behind. The policy literature recommends several principles 1 that public health policymakers can use to address this important issue. We believe that 4 of these are the most important: mainstreaming, a linked approach, a population perspective, and coordination ( Table 1 ). 3–6 Our choice of these 4 principles is further supported by the work of Gould and Rudolph, whose analysis of individual-level and structural barriers to greater public health engagement in climate change and public health indicated that these principles were supported by perceptions in the field. 7 Our goal was to explore the health impacts of climate change and examine how California has implemented public health policy, based on these 4 principles. We performed a policy scan to identify associations between health and climate change, relied on published research, and used publically accessible state data for our analysis. We discuss public health policy and climate change in California, using mental health as an example. Our goal is to highlight larger policy issues and interrelationships among climate change, public policy, and the public, and how these 4 principles might be instructive to law and policy for other jurisdictions.

TABLE 1—

Key Principles That Public Health Policymakers Can Use to Address Health Implications of Climate Change

Note. GHG = greenhouse gas; PM2.5 = particulate matter ≤ 2.5 μm in diameter; SJV = San Joaquin Valley, California.

CLIMATE CHANGE AND THE SAN JOAQUIN VALLEY

To review policy “on the ground,” we narrowed our analysis to the San Joaquin Valley in central California. We chose to examine the San Joaquin region because of its significant climate disruptions and its concentration of vulnerable populations. We sought to study the resulting public health implications and to understand how California policy addressed health issues and climate change at the local level. The San Joaquin Valley is often called “the nation’s salad bowl” because of its fertile soil and the variety of produce grown in the region. It is a significant part of California’s agricultural industry, which generated $47 billion in 2015. The San Joaquin Valley has 8 counties—Kings, Fresno, Kern, Merced, and Stanislaus counties, and parts of Madera, San Luis Obispo, and Tulare counties—and had a population of 3.9 million according to the 2010 census. The socioeconomic conditions in the San Joaquin Valley are strikingly different compared with the rest of California and the rest of the nation; Hispanics made up 48.5% of the population, one fifth of the households in the region had incomes below the poverty level, approximately 30% of the population did not have a high school diploma, and most of the communities were linguistically isolated because 84% of the population had limited English proficiency. 8

California became dramatically hotter in the last several years, with temperatures in 2014 more than 3°F higher compared with the historical data from 1949 to 2005. In the San Joaquin Valley, a persistent decline in both precipitation and run-off led to drought conditions, with 2012 to 2014 being the hottest and driest years recorded. 9,10 Although previous studies dismissed any link between anthropogenic climate change and the California drought, 11 recent studies concluded that anthropogenic activity accounted for up to 30% of the drought conditions from 2012 to 2014. 12 These conditions led farmers in California to dig 1800 feet down to tap into ground water. Increased pumping of groundwater led to land subsidence, with parts of the San Joaquin Valley sinking by as much as 28 feet. Land subsidence is known to stress water systems, which leads to permanent failures in wells. 13 In March 2017, Tulare County’s Office of Emergency Services reported 1612 cumulative domestic well failures in Tulare County alone. 14 The air quality in San Joaquin Valley is one of the nation’s worst and has repeatedly failed to meet federal standards for fine atmospheric particulate matter 2.5 micrometers in diameter or smaller (PM2.5) pollution. The PM2.5 pollution arises from farming practices (e.g., tilling, burning crop harvesting, and so on), dairy operations, animal feed, and off-road vehicles. Climate change may further affect exposures to PM2.5 by affecting weather patterns and anthropogenic emissions. 15

We found that the health-related effects of climate change were particularly striking in the San Joaquin Valley. Compared with the state average of 11 per 100 000 of the population, the rates of heat-related emergency room visits from 2005 to 2010 were considerably higher in the San Joaquin Valley, ranging from 17 to 28 per 100 000 of the population. Because the main occupation in the region is agriculture, the rise in heat-related hospitalizations could be the result of the physical strain combined with continuous exposure to the heat outdoors, which could lead to fatigue and respiratory illnesses. A strong correlation was observed between exposure to particulate matter (PM2.5) and negative health outcomes, such as cardiovascular illnesses and exacerbation of asthma symptoms. A combination of heat waves, dust storms, and changing weather patterns also led to a 6-fold increase in Valley Fever (a disease caused by a fungus that is found in the soil) in California between 2000 and 2011, with more than 75% of the cases reported in the San Joaquin Valley. 16

In addition to physical health implications, climate change can have grave consequences for the mental health of affected populations. In the United States, the mental health consequences among populations affected by extreme weather events, especially Hurricanes Katrina, Sandy, and Ike were well documented. 1 Most individuals affected by acute weather events experience trauma, shock, stress, grief, and distress symptoms, which ameliorate once safer conditions are restored. However, for many individuals, the experience leads to major clinical and anxiety disorders, substance abuse disorders, posttraumatic stress disorders, and suicidal ideation. 1 Persistent drought has financial implications for individuals who rely on rainfall for their economic survival, which places an increased burden on their mental health. 1 Individuals who live in drought-affected areas experience psychological distress and ongoing worry about future drought conditions that might affect their livelihood. Long-term stress further affects their physical health, strains social relationships, and creates a cycle of despair. Psychological distress contributed to suicides among farm workers in countries (e.g., Australia and India) that experienced prolonged drought. 17,18 Drought was also a major contributor to the increase in suicides among male farm workers in the Midwestern United States in the 1980s. 19 Similarly, exposure to extreme heat was correlated with an increase in hospital and emergency room admissions, aggressive behaviors among those with mental illnesses, and death among those who experienced psychosis and dementia. 20,21 Another profound impact of climate change is solastalgia, which is a sense of desolation and loss of identity that an individual experiences as their familiar home environment changes, becomes uninhabitable, or hampers their livelihood. 22 Loss of identity because of climate change is often associated with occupations such as farming and fishing, which are place-based. 23 Finally, the impacts of climate change are unequal. Many populations such as indigenous communities, low-income groups, women, children, older adults, individuals with disabilities, and those living in high-risk areas are more vulnerable to the mental health impacts of climate change. 24 Although the health burdens caused by climate change are significant, persistent, and intractable, the impacts of mental health consequences are particularly concerning and are the focus of our discussion.

We used published data to examine the mental health burden in the San Joaquin region and reviewed climate change policies for their inclusion of mental health. We also examined the current mental health burden in the region. According to the California Health Care Foundation, more than 16% of adults have a mental health need, and 5% have a serious mental illness in California. 25 San Joaquin Valley had some of the highest rates of mental illness in California, with 8% of adults with serious mental illness and 5.3% of children with serious emotional disturbances. The burden of mental illness and the unmet need became even more significant, when we examined the mental health workforce in the Valley. The numbers of all licensed mental health professionals in the San Joaquin Valley were well below the state average. 25 A community health needs assessment conducted by Kaiser found that in select San Joaquin Valley counties (i.e., Fresno, Kings, Madera, and Tulare), access to health care services was the main concern among residents. Other prominent issues included lack of transportation, difficulty in scheduling appointments and navigating the system, language barriers, and paying for copayments and medications. More than 80% of the population in these counties lived in a health professional shortage area for primary care. 26 The high rates of mental illness, low access to providers, and the likely impacts of drought and climate change on mental health made this a serious climate-related health issue. We consider California’s approach to addressing this issue in this article.

CALIFORNIA’S APPROACH TO CLIMATE CHANGE

There are 2 goals in addressing climate change: mitigation and adaptation. Mitigation seeks to reduce greenhouse gases (GHGs). Policy approaches here include cap-and-trade systems, carbon sequestration, changes to energy generation systems, and transportation policy. Adaptation seeks to respond to the inevitable changes resulting from climate disruption. Many of these policies provide opportunities or “co-benefits” to improve the health of communities.

Mitigation Policy

California has taken aggressive steps to reduce GHGs and has been singled out as a leader in climate change policy. The Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006 is the center of California’s mitigation policy. It originally required California to reach 1990 levels of GHG emissions by 2020 and was recently updated to require a reduction in GHGs to 40% below 1990 levels by 2030. 27 This policy also requires the state to evaluate mitigation efforts in terms of public health. Currently, California uses a cap-and-trade system to reduce GHGs and to achieve its reduction goals. This system generates funds that the state uses on projects that reduce GHG emissions. In 2012, the legislature passed SB 535, which requires that, in addition to reducing GHG emissions, 25% of the monies from the GHG fund must be spent to benefit disadvantaged communities (DACs). Specifically, 10% of these funds must be spent on projects located within DACs. 27

The California Environmental Protection Agency (CalEPA) created a tool, CalEnviroScreen, to identify these DACs for purposes of GHG mitigation by measuring pollution burden and population characteristics by census tracts. 28 We used CalEnviroScreen 2.0 to study the San Joaquin Valley and found that 38.4% of census tracts in the San Joaquin Valley had a CalEnviroScreen score in the highest 15% (i.e., 85%–100%). With such a high percentage of DACs, the San Joaquin Valley communities experienced a unique combination of environmental pressures and inequities.

Adaptation Policy

California’s first step toward preparing for the impacts of climate change—its adaptation policy—was the result of a 2008 Executive Order that required state agencies to develop a strategy to identify and prepare for climate impacts. 29 Since then, California has continued to update its Climate Adaptation Strategy. 30 Although these policies are not as well developed as California policies that target mitigation, the Climate Adaptation Strategy has now moved to include more structural elements in adaptation goals, and the state’s adaptation policy has continued to expand, to rely on regular assessment of the issue through the California Climate Change Assessments. 31 In terms of public health explicitly, county public health departments have been working with the California Department of Public Health to identify public health risks in their communities, by building awareness and documenting climate change efforts in communities. 32

EVALUATING CALIFORNIA’S HEALTH POLICY

We propose 4 key principles to evaluate health policies focusing on climate change: mainstreaming, linked approach, population perspective, and coordination. The California example shows us how these principles have been incorporated, where they have fallen short, and the ensuing implications.

Mainstreaming

Mainstreaming is “a process whereby adaptation measures are integrated ‘into some aspect of related government policy such as water management, disaster preparedness and emergency planning or land-use planning.’ Mainstreaming is not, therefore, a specific policy proposal, like a carbon tax, but rather a policy for policy proposals.” 5 (p25) With mainstreaming, the effects of climate change are integrated into public health policy and planning. California has taken steps to integrate climate change adaptation and resiliency into its requirements for the general planning process of communities. 33 The Governor’s office has also required the integration of climate adaptation planning into state policy, which also mandates the California Natural Resources Agency to develop a state adaptation plan. That adaptation plan, Safeguarding California, focuses on community resilience and response capacity to health threats, indicator development, and improved coordination. 34 The recommendations provided in these adaptation plans are in broad strokes and lack the granular detail available in other climate change policies, and may not be sufficient to address more serious health problems in California.

We noted that a mix of public sources fund mental health services in California when we reviewed California policy with regard to our issue of mental health in the San Joaquin Valley. California counties, through their public health systems, have significant responsibilities related to the provision of mental health services. Services are paid for through a combination of federal, state, and local funds that combine revenue from Medi-Cal, sales taxes, vehicle fees, property taxes, and other miscellaneous funding. 35 Low-income uninsured adults who have no other source of care receive care from a medical indigent program run by counties known as County Medical Services Program (CMSP). Although some counties have expanded their CMSP offerings, many others have considerably cut back on coverage and services provided because of financial constraints. County funding decisions for mental health are currently independent of statewide policy priorities. 35 We believe that if climate change adaptation planning were part of policymaking in this area, additional mental health resources might be made available to residents of the San Joaquin Valley counties, thus providing cobenefits. States and counties could include the effects of climate change when planning and then provide additional resources for areas particularly affected by climate disruptions. Counties participating in the CMSP have already embarked on several innovative approaches to manage care for the neediest patients (e.g., contracting with local health plans, changing program benefits, providing more preventative care rather than episodic care, using technology for application screening, and so on). Even if the structure of mental health funding makes this mainstreaming difficult initially, simply moving the issue into the mainstream of mental health policy would help to identify structural policy barriers that were previously unknown. The narrow focus of public health funding and the mandate of programs could contribute to the difficulty of mainstreaming climate change in policy discussions. Addressing the larger political, policy, and legal constraints to public health would be key here. 7

Linked Approach

A linked approach that views adaptation and mitigation as parts of the same climate policy is required, as one can influence the other, and each can have serious implications for health. 4,5 For example, mitigation policy might promote smart growth solutions that emphasize public transit and dense urban development as a tool to reduce GHG emissions. An unintended consequence of this policy might be the development of urban heat islands that are detrimental to human health. 5 In this example, a linked approach would include the possible exacerbation of heat islands in the adaptation planning process itself.

Mitigation and adaptation policies need better linkage in California. California took strides in explicitly and expressly linking mitigation policies to environmental justice policy goals when it enacted the California Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006: Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund (SB 535), which required investments on GHG mitigation specifically in communities that experienced poor outcomes related to environment. California spent approximately $320 million for GHG mitigation projects in the San Joaquin counties (excluding the funding for the California high-speed rail project), with only $58 million of the total amount targeting or benefiting DACs. By comparison, the state spent approximately $2.2 billion dollars across California. 36 Although these SB 535 investments targeted DACs in California, they did not necessarily target investments that would reduce the health burden related to climate change in this area. For example, a number of projects in the San Joaquin counties related to affordable housing, vehicle replacement, irrigation improvements, and carbon sequestration received SB 535 investment funding under the California system of GHG mitigation. Although these projects succeeded in bringing resources to DACs, these mitigation strategies might have exacerbated or failed to address climate-related health issues in the short term. For example, SB 535 investments included additional affordable housing in Fresno, 37 although the San Joaquin counties had some of the highest PM2.5 concentrations in California. As stated earlier, exposure to PM2.5 is associated with poor health outcomes. The legislature acknowledged this issue in a series of reforms passed in August 2016 that sought to improve oversight of the Air Resource Board and improve data on individual pollution sites. 38 Even with this attempt at reform, there is no expressed link between mitigation cobenefits strategy for SB 535 and adaptation policy in California. This tenuous link could have serious health consequences in the short- and long-term, as we found in the San Joaquin region, where none of the currently funded projects addressed mental health issues. Although more work is needed here, SB 535 and the California approach demonstrated that it is possible to link mitigation policy to other policies, including adaptation. We also noted that an emphasis on the health co-benefits of climate change policy might facilitate improved linkages and engagement with the public health sector. 7 Linking adaptation and mitigation, along with coordination, might be the 2 most difficult challenges facing any community or state that seeks to address the health effects of climate change.

Population Perspective

The California approach using CalEnviroScreen is an example of how societies might apply the population perspective to public health and health policy around climate change. By relying on a strong evidence base and indicators supported by research, CalEnviroScreen provides a fair tool for making comparative evaluations at the census level. It provides a useful way to compare and contrast populations in California and can allow policymakers to visualize health inequities, structural and social determinants of health, and other population-level health issues. Health policy planners could explore use of CalEnviroScreen data for mainstreaming issues related to climate change in California into public health and health policy planning, and direct funding to areas where the public health impact of climate change would be substantial. For example, policymakers in California could overlay the prevalence of mental illnesses, the current distribution of mental health resources, and the CalEnviroScreen Scores in the San Joaquin Valley to address the impact of climate change in this area and develop policies and investments to target affected communities. SB 535–related investments demonstrated how funding could be linked to clear policy goals. Inclusion of additional measures of health indicators in the CalEnviroScreen tool might help to identify vulnerable populations that might be particularly sensitive to the disruptions associated with climate change. However, CalEnviroScreen scores are calculated using parameters that rely heavily on pollution measures, and therefore, might not capture other climate change vulnerabilities. CalEPA continues to modify the tool and has recently included new indicators (e.g., cardiovascular disease and rent-adjusted income) to the CalEnviroScreen tool. This approach, although not perfect, is particularly effective and may help to facilitate the political process in addressing climate change. In addition to CalEnviroScreen, the CalEPA has other tools that focus on environmental justice 39 ; other states and jurisdictions have developed similar tools. 40 The use of the population perspective would facilitate the analysis of health policy problems. Inclusion of scores from tools such as CalEnviroScreen would provide a transparent and open system to guide policy decisions in this arena.

Coordination

Finally, any approach should focus on coordination. The Lancet Commission made this point most clearly:

[governments should] adopt mechanisms to facilitate collaboration between Ministries of Health and other government departments, empowering health professionals and ensuring that health and climate considerations are thoroughly integrated in government-wide strategies. A siloed approach to protecting human health from climate change will not work. 41 (p1862)

Legal scholars suggested multiple approaches to achieving this coordination and noted the difficulties in designing a legal regimen that could manage the complex issues associated with this topic. 6 California addressed this coordination issue in several ways. Three are worth noting: participation in subnational agreements; the Integrated Climate Adaptation and Resiliency Program (ICARP) at the Office of Planning and Research to coordinate among levels of government; and the Climate Action Team to coordinate within the state government. California worked with other jurisdictions on a subnational level to coordinate efforts around climate change. These included the Western Climate Initiative, which is made of up of several Western states and Canadian provinces and agreements with subnational counterparts in China. 42 ICARP was created in 2015 to provide a framework for coordinating among state, regional, and local governments. The framework also created a Technical Advisory Council to assist planning efforts. At the state government level, California relies on a Climate Action Team composed of state agency secretaries and the heads of various boards and departments. This team is led by the Secretary of CalEPA. Each of these approaches are important steps in coordinating responses to climate change and might be the most important and challenging aspect of public health policy and its approach to climate change.

The actual approaches to coordination are less important than understanding the role of politics and political will in responding to initiatives linked to climate change. A key factor contributing to the creation of these systems has been strong grassroots and community support, coupled with strong leadership in state government. Public health advocates and practitioners must be more tightly integrated into these coordination initiatives. They must lead the efforts to coordinate health responses within our complex and uncoordinated health care systems. Without a formal mechanism to coordinate the various funding sources and state policy objectives, we see a mismatch between health burden and health resources. Although policies in California emphasize the importance of coordination and are taking great strides, this issue has not moved into the policy fore in the way SB 535 moved environmental justice concerns into the realm of mitigation policy. This coordination of policy efforts may be the most difficult legal and policy challenge facing the public health sector as it seeks to address the health impacts of climate change.

CONCLUSIONS

The California approach demonstrated how to link resources to outcomes in a way that emphasized accountability and to connect mitigation and adaptation concerns. However, the experiences of the San Joaquin Valley region suggested a need for greater coordination of resources. Importantly, we believe California might have benefited from linking adaptation and mitigation policy from the beginning. Legal theorists also suggested that an approach that addresses both mitigation and adaptation as part of one regulatory policy might be useful. 5 California’s experience suggests that, to be effective, coordination must be incentivized, there must be political will, and the issues might need to be mandated. Finally, we believe that there are opportunities to link climate change and public health policy. For jurisdictions that rely on tools such as CalEnviroScreen to link climate change and health, policymakers must understand fully the inclusion and exclusion of population and environmental indicators and their implications for health equity. Focusing on the health implications of climate change and the health cobenefits of mitigation strategies might benefit the health of populations, as well as address the ongoing and future impacts of climate change. California’s successes, challenges, and willingness to update policy in this area are all instructive for communities working to prepare for the health effects of climate change and to mitigate its causes.

HUMAN PARTICIPANT PROTECTION

No protocol approval was necessary for this study because no human participants were involved.

See also Perker-Flynn, p. S58 .

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  • Published: 29 March 2022

Themes of climate change agency: a qualitative study on how people construct agency in relation to climate change

  • Heidi Toivonen   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-6554-2228 1  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  9 , Article number:  102 ( 2022 ) Cite this article

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This study analyzes how people discursively construct their (non)agency—how they display abilities and capacities to act, or the lack thereof—vis-à-vis climate change. The paper presents the results of a detailed discursive and thematic analysis of 28 interview transcripts: 12 broad agency themes representing different ways of constructing human (non)agency in relation to climate change. The most common agency theme was Collective, followed by Individual, Critical, and Threatened agency. Climate change skepticism was displayed mostly within Critical agency, where the speakers presented themselves as intellectual and critically thinking individuals, drawing from scientific rhetoric while criticizing and misrepresenting climate science. The constructions of Collective agency emerged as a form of agency that displays a sense of meaningfulness related to socially embedded actions. The construction of agency in relation to climate change is very detailed discursive work, as people draw from multiple societal discourses to craft varied discursive positions of experiencing, knowing, and doing in relation to it. The paper suggests ways for climate communications to take into account these multiple themes of agency.

Introduction

Climate change presents a profound challenge to human agency (see e.g. the latest Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report, IPCC, 2022 ). It demands us to come to terms with humans having become a destructive geophysical agent causing changes in vast natural historical timescales (Chakrabarty, 2009 , 2012 ). Climate change might push people towards a sense of complete loss of agency, the feeling that there is nothing we can do (Braidotti, 2019 ), especially as the question of whether it is already too late to prevent dangerous climate change is discussed in serious science circles (Moser, 2020 ). The challenge of rethinking a realistic, multifaceted notion of human agency is ever more complex and pressing.

In this paper, I take a detailed, qualitative look at how people construct positions of (non)agency in relation to climate change. Presenting the results of a detailed language-oriented analysis of an interview study conducted with 28 interviewees representing 11 different nationalities, I show how they construct themselves as agents of feeling, knowing, and doing in relation to climate change. I take a critical stance to the overly individualistic and simplistic perspectives on the psychology of climate change action. I attempt to contribute to developing a wider understanding of agency, taking into account how collective discourses afford individuals to take various (non)agentic positions to climate change. Placing myself at the crossroads of climate psychology and science communications, I start with a concise review at relevant research literature from a variety of disciplines.

Climate change refers to the scientifically identifiable periodic modification of the climate of the Earth, persisting for an extended period and caused by various geologic, chemical, biological, geographic, and human factors (IPCC, 2019 ; Jackson, 2021 ). In contemporary language use as well as in this paper, in alignment with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the term refers to the warming trend spanning the entire 20th century and the first decades of 21st century, occurring in addition to natural climate variability and attributable directly or indirectly to human activities such as carbon dioxide emissions (IPCC, 2019 ; Jackson, 2021 ; UNFCCC, 2011 ).

A central notion in this paper is agency . Climate change debates anchor a variety of notions of human agency as being responsible of (or not) and able to mitigate (or not) climate change and its effects. Climate change education and communication have moved on from grappling with how to convince people that it is indeed human agency that is responsible for creating climate change and have increasingly directed their efforts at communicating about mitigation and adaptation possibilities. These are challenging tasks, not the least because climate change as a phenomenon tends to be experienced in Western countries as remote, invisible, and complex, yet its scientifically accurate presentations can also cause difficult and paralyzing feelings, counteracting any initiative to motivate people into action (e.g. Moser, 2010 ; Moser and Dilling, 2011 ; Monroe et al., 2019 ; Norgaard, 2011 ; Verlie, 2020 ). As climate communication is increasingly facing its tasks in the times of “it’s perhaps already too late”, further insights into how to understand human expressions of agency are needed.

Traditionally, agency has been defined as an internal psychological mechanism, capacity to act intentionally, also carrying the implications that an agent is separate from others, aware of their own actions, and able to reflect upon these deeds (Alkire, 2005 ; Harré, 1993 ; Kögler, 2010 ; Pope, 1998 ; Yamamoto, 2006 ). Recent work within environmental education has defined agency as “an individual’s perception of their own capability to author responses that effect change in the world” (Walsh and Cordero, 2019 ). Such a view of agency merely as “capability” to impact change in the world frames it as an internal attribute of a single human being and ties it into perceivable “external” impacts, thus narrowing what could potentially be understood as agency. Behaviorally oriented climate psychology, also dominated by this individualistic and overly rational view on human action, has led to the promotion of suboptimal, information-focused climate intervention strategies (Whitmarsh et al., 2021 ). Furthermore, the traditional Western notion of human agency as separate from and superior to nature, dispositioned to control it, is precisely the ideology that has justified the unlimited exploitation of the nonhuman world, leading to the current climate crisis (Adeney et al., 2020 ; Hoggett, 2019 ; Plumwood, 2009 ). Further need for finding alternative ways to understand human agency emerges from the fact that narrow conceptualizations of agency as human goal-directed activity might be suitable for quantitative survey purposes (Alkire, 2005 ) but are not alone sufficient to capture the variety in how people actually discuss their experiences of and actions in relation to climate change. Climate psychology, education, and communications have noted the need to go beyond understandings of the human as a logical agent taking rational action and the co-implied belief that people need to be informed better in order to help them take climate action (e.g. Hoggett, 2019 ; Moser and Dilling, 2011 ; Verlie, 2017 ).

Following a discourse analytical approach, agency is here understood not as a psychological attribute but as something discursively constructed in interaction (e.g. Toivonen et al., 2019 ; Toivonen, 2019 ). I define agency as the discursive attribution of a variety of aspects of being—ableness or the lack thereof both to oneself and to other humans in relation to climate change. Thus, I also take into account the phenomenon of ascribing nonagency—the construction of lacking or otherwise troubled being-ableness (Toivonen et al., 2019 ). To keep the approach to agency as open and flexible as possible, a dialogue with multiple ways of approaching climate change agency in other fields is needed.

A concept closely related to that of agency, albeit usually defined in a narrower manner, is that of efficacy . A central differentiation has been made between individual efficacy —individual’s belief in their capacity of mitigating climate change—and collective or group efficacy —belief in one’s ingroup or in the system as a whole being able to cooperate to take action on climate change (Chen, 2015 ; Fritsche et al., 2018 ; Hornsey et al., 2021 ; Roser-Renouf et al., 2014 ; van Zomeren et al., 2010 ). Bostrom et al. ( 2019 ) differentiate between personal self-efficacy and response efficacy (belief in the ease of taking a certain mitigation action versus its perceived impact) at the personal and at the collective level. The notion of participative efficacy beliefs , the beliefs that one’s own individual actions are a crucial contribution to collective climate action, seems especially promising (Bamberg et al., 2015 ; Jugert et al., 2016 ; van Zomeren et al., 2013 ). Efficacy research has given valuable contributions to our understanding, yet is limited to rather narrow definitions; to give an example, I argue that focusing on the perceived ease of taking a certain action captures only a glimpse of what agency can be, and eventually, is completely different from perceiving oneself as actually able or not to take that action.

Previous language-oriented research has demonstrated the staggering multiplicity of climate change views and experiences. Perceptions of climate change vary both within and between different societies (Christmann et al., 2014 ), building on different vocabularies and epistemologies, understandings of causality and reality, and approaches to science (O’Brien and Leichenko, 2019 ). It has been discussed for decades how the authority of science is diminishing in the mix of formal and informal scientific communications, nonexpert opinions, and dramatized media stories about climate change (Boykoff, 2008 ; Minol et al., 2007 ; Schäfer, 2012 ; Weingart et al., 2000 ). One of the most widely noted climate change narratives is the apocalypse, which seems to leave very little room for human agency to operate. Presentations of massive future disasters are still flourishing in societal debates, literature, and media, even if their value in mobilizing effective climate action has been questioned (Cole, 2021 ; Crist, 2007 ; Fiskio, 2012 ; Hinkel et al., 2020 ; Stoknes, 2015 ). Another common trend in dominant Western discourses underlines the power of individual human agency, framing climate change as solvable by individual lifestyle management solutions (Adeney et al., 2020 ; Siperstein, 2016 ).

Important threads in previous research have focused on understanding climate change passivity and skepticism/denialism. Studies on denialism and skepticism have pointed out how people objecting to standard scientific views on climate change invest in coming across as scientifically reasoning and, paradoxically, often draw from scientific discourses while crafting unscientific accounts (Bloomfield and Tillery, 2019 ; Jylhä, 2018 ; Sharman, 2014 ). Climate change denial seems to be linked to the preference of keeping existing social and human vs. nonhuman nature hierarchies and power inequalities untouched (Jylhä, 2016 ; Jylhä et al., 2016 , 2021 ; Jylhä and Akrami, 2015 ) and might actually be part of a more general anti-egalitarian, exclusionary, and conservative worldview (Jylhä and Hellmer, 2020 ; Jylhä et al., 2020 ). Furthermore, considerable scholarship is investigating the dynamics behind the slow and ineffective response to climate change seen in many parts of the world. Previous studies using interviews have shown that people frequently frame climate change as a distant, uncertain problem instead of a local issue touching them personally, even if they would have personal experience of climate change related natural catastrophes (Whitmarsh, 2008 ). Simply showing images of climate change impacts can cause people to take distance, struggling to understand how they could do anything about it (O’Neill et al., 2013 ). In her notable sociological account of a rural Norwegian community, Norgaard ( 2011 ) analyzes how distancing from climate change is achieved by socially constructed emotion and knowledge management strategies. Milkoreit ( 2017 ) has framed the ineffectiveness of human response as a failure of collective imagination: We have failed to imagine solution pathways to a sustainable future.

A considerable multidisciplinary scholarship has been building a relational ontology, criticizing the notion of the autonomous, rational individual of traditional liberal humanism (Barad, 2003 ; Braidotti, 2019 ; Haraway, 2016 ) and problematizing how the notion of agency has intricate ties with an anthropocentric understanding of subjectivity and power (Marchand, 2018 ). New materialists have advanced the notion of agency as something that does not reside within individual human minds, but emerges from complex networks of different beings, processes, and phenomena (Barad, 2003 ; Braidotti, 2019 ; Haraway, 2016 ). Verlie has emphasized the need for environmental education and climate justice to challenge human-centric, individualistic ideas of agency and acknowledge how climate change actions emerge from the complex entanglements between humans and the climate (e.g. Verlie, 2017 , 2019a , 2019b , 2020 , 2021 ).

In this study, I ask “How do people construct their own (non)agency or the (non)agency of humans in general in relation to climate change?” by detailed analysis of interview data. Next, I proceed to explicate the methodology and analysis of the interview study.

I conducted 28 semi-structured interviews on Zoom videocalls, 17 interviews in English and 11 in Finnish. The participants were volunteers recruited by posting on various social media platforms (Facebook, Reddit, LinkedIn) and mailing lists of environmental organizations and university departments as well as by snowballing my personal networks. The participants’ ages varied between 21–83 and they represented 11 different nationalities. 16 of the participants self-identified as women and 12 as men. Four participants had professional background in working with climate change, and some declared having particularly committed pro-environmental lifestyles. All participants signed an informed consent form prior to the interviews and, if they so requested, received their anonymized interview transcript by email for commentary.

The interview protocol included questions concerning the participant’s thoughts about the environment, nonhuman animals, and climate change as well as their experiences and thoughts of environment-related fiction. In the first part of the interview, the interviewees were presented with an environmentally themed story which they discussed; results concerning these parts of the interview have been presented in another paper (Toivonen and Caracciolo, under review). This study focuses on those parts of the interviews where climate change was discussed.

The participants were asked e.g. what climate change means to them, how they see the role of human actions in climate change, and how they see their own chances to do something about it. A few participants specified that they know climate change happens also due to non-human factors, but said they understand that in this context we are discussing human-caused global warming. One participant denied believing in human-caused warming of the climate, instead constructing ice age as a more likely climate change threat.

I transcribed the interviews verbatim into English producing a thorough orthographic transcript that included all spoken words and sounds (Braun and Clarke, 2012 ). In the sections of the transcriptions included in the analysis, the interviewees either responded to a question explicitly concerning climate change or spontaneously, as a part of their answer to another kind of question, diverted to the topic of climate change.

I first read the anonymized transcripts drawing from discourse analytical methodology (see e.g. Potter, 2004 ), paying attention to all different ways the participants expressed human abilities, capacities, acting, doing, etc. in relation to climate change. I started organizing these different discursive positions of agency (or the lack of it, non-agency) into different classes that in the later Thematic Analysis stage of the analysis developed into groups with their own specific “codes” and that were further related to wider patterns of meaning, “themes”. With a discursive position of (non)agency I refer to a verbal expression that has an active verb and that presents the speaker (or other humans and people in general) as able or not able to do something in relation to climate change (see also Toivonen et al., 2019 ).

In the next phase, I further analyzed the anonymized transcripts with Thematic Analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006 , 2012 ; Clarke and Braun, 2017 ; Maguire and Delahunt, 2017 ). TA provided a structured framework to identify and organize patterns of meaning (themes) while allowing to identify what is shared in how a topic is discussed (Braun and Clarke, 2012 ). Because I combined a discourse analytic close reading with a TA approach, my analytical method could be described as “thematic DA” (e.g. Taylor and Ussher, 2001 ). In alignment with the constructionist worldview underlying much of discourse analytic work, I applied thematic analysis as a constructionist method, thus, assuming that people’s constructions of human agency in response to climate change are constituted in and through discourse and that cultural and societal discourses play a role in how people discuss climate change. I applied TA mainly as an inductive method with a data driven approach (Braun and Clarke, 2012 ); however, my reading was also drawing from the theoretical notion of discursive (non)agency (Toivonen, 2019 ).

In the initial coding phase, I paid attention to the discursive positions of (non)agency and addressed these as the basic units of the raw data, collating them with codes denoting classes of (non)agency positions (Clarke and Braun, 2017 ). I initially coded for expressions of agency and then expanded to coding also nonagency, the expressed lack of agency, because the participants often spoke about e.g. not being able to understand or influence climate change. In practice, the smallest basic codable unit of analysis was a clause, a group of words consisting of a subject and a predicate. For example:

I do what I can.

The position above would have been coded with “My own personal actions”. In case the clause in which the position was constructed was within a longer sentence that had a superordinate structure adding something to the meaning of the clause, the unit of analysis was this longer sentence. For example:

I do what I can, but I don’t think my actions make any real difference.

The discursive position above would have been coded with “My individual actions don’t matter in the big picture”. The participants usually produced more than one sentence when crafting a particular position in relation to climate change and thus, several consecutive sentences could be coded with the same code. Below is an (invented) example that would have been coded with “My individual actions don’t matter in the big picture”.

I do what I can, but I don’t think my actions make any real difference. Anything I can do is just a drop in a bucket and I think I just keep doing things to soothe my guilty consciousness.

I coded the entire data set collating interview extracts relevant to each code. I used open coding, that is, I kept modifying the codes throughout the process (Maguire and Delahunt, 2017 ). Next, I moved on to search for themes. I grouped coded extracts into broader meaning patterns concerning human agency that seemed to share the same organizing core idea. In case I as the interviewer made a comment in the middle of an extract belonging to a certain agency theme, the extract was counted as two separate ones, either falling under the same theme or not, depending on how the participant proceeded in constructing human agency. In case I was merely encouraging the interviewee to continue with interjections such as “Yeah”, thus not changing the trajectory of the talk, the extract was counted as one example of a particular theme. In some cases, a theme was constructed with repeated expressions that crafted similar (non)agentic positions and were thus coded with the same code. In some cases, one extract of a theme included several codes. Below is an example of an extract that represents one theme, but involves two different codes: “Individual as a part of a community doing something” and “People doing something”:

I think that the small actions of each individual are important. Because it goes on as this mass thing, if-. Exactly, if everyone does it, then it counts.

The extract represents the theme “Collective agency”, where the core meaning was that individuals can do something together to fight climate change. Themes are thus patterns of meaning -ways of discussing human (non)agency- that consist of at least one, usually more discursive positions of human agency; hence, each theme involves one or more “codes”.

I reviewed and modified the themes, proceeding to check whether they work in relation to each other, the data, and previous literature discussing agency-related notions. While writing the research report, I conducted one final rereading of the data. The analysis concluded with 351 data extracts categorized under 12 broader themes of agency.

The version of TA applied here is developed within the qualitative paradigm and not for use in the (post)positivist approaches; the validity of TA is not assessed by referring to intercoder reliability but by acknowledging the active role of the researcher (Clarke and Braun, 2017 ; Neuendorf, 2019 ). The validity of this analysis arises from openly discussing the analytical process and from referring back to previous studies to see if similar agency concepts had been already acknowledged elsewhere. The task of confirming whether or not the same codes and themes arise in different contexts with different participants is an important one to uptake in further research.

The results consist of 12 broad themes of human agency in relation to climate change (Table 1 ). The themes are listed from highest to lowest frequency in this interview data. The abbreviation “CC” refers to climate change.

All participants constructed agency in relation to climate change with more than one theme during their interview and combined these themes in various ways. The themes presented in the Table fall under three wider theme groups that can be also understood as climate change discourses: (1) Human concrete action in creating and solving the problem of climate change (includes the themes of Collective, Individual, Limited, Causing, Ambivalent, External), (2) Climate change is a complex concept and requires critical mental action (Critical, Reflective), and (3) Climate change influences us and our human agency (Threatened, Experiential, Influenced, Benefitting).

As Table 1 shows, the most common theme was Collective (58 occurrences), followed by Individual (46), Critical (36), and Threatened (35).

The next sections provide a description and a data extract of each agency theme. There is no space to discuss the codes that are prevalent in each theme. Some extracts show the interplay of two or more codes while some, often because they are only a sample of a longer account, only demonstrate one code. The themes are presented in the same order as in the Table. The participants are referred to with their pseudonyms and the letter “H” refers to me, the interviewer. The extracts have been slightly edited to ensure participant anonymity and to enhance readability. Most interviews were conducted in English with non-native speakers, and occasional unidiomatic expressions are still present in the extracts as I have tried to remain faithful to the interviewee’s own words.

The participants constructed people as able to mitigate climate change by collective action. In different variations of the theme, the participants either constructed their own actions as having some kind of social or cumulative impact, or discussed actions that humans as a collective have taken or could/should take. Often, this theme emerged as collective calls to action, as the speakers were underlining that collective action is important and needed to mitigate climate change.

In Joanne’s example below, voting functions as a concrete example of an individual action with visible nation-level consequences.

Joanne: And now of course the question is where do we invest. Do we invest on green energy or do we invest on the reopening of coal mines. These have significant consequences in all ways so that yeah, the decision makers and private persons in that sense. Who are we voting for to make decisions on these things? So everyone does have a small straw of responsibility here in terms of where we are going.

Joanne’s example begins with “we” (probably referring to her nation) facing the choice of investing in an environmentally friendly manner or not. “Decision makers” and “private persons” appear in a cut off sentence without an active verb, but presumably as potential agents. In the action of voting, it is “we” and “everyone” that is given “a small straw of responsibility”; this interesting metaphor creates the impression that an individual’s possibilities for action are not very big or sturdy, but there is a moral obligation to use this chance and vote. This responsibility to act is constructed as influencing where we, the society, are going in the future in terms of energy use, not as a responsibility towards e.g. the nonhuman environment. Typical for most of the examples of Collective agency, the speaker did not construct a very concrete pathway from their own actions to the collective ones and from there to the impact on climate change. In only one example of this theme the speaker specified how their individual action has ripple effects in their close community, at the wider economic levels of society, and eventually on climate change. Yet, Joanne’s extract is more specific in its suggested collective action than most other examples as it goes beyond statements of “we should do something about it”.

The speakers constructed humans as potentially able to mitigate climate change by individual level actions. In some variations, individual people in general were positioned as able to influence, and in others, the participant talked about their own personal action possibilities. Many constructed a sphere where an individual’s actions matter, and then displayed how they try to do their best within this area. These constructions resonate with Robison’s ( 2019 ) observations on how people often draw a clear boundary around what is their own responsibility and what options are open to them. In this study, constructing such a personal “lot” often involved listing both climate change specific actions and generally environmentally friendly actions the participants have taken or could take. Such listings sometimes gave the impression that the interviewee was merely repeating actions they knew represent socially desirable, standard eco-friendly behavior instead of talking concretely about their own actions. The participants who did talk about their own concrete actions often toned down the attitude and persistence with which they act.

Caroline: Of course individual people also have a significant role . I have calculated my own carbon footprint and those… There are these calculators with which one can calculate how big a carbon footprint one leaves. I had—I think it was smaller than average .
C: And then one thinks about… And actually I have also thought about my work, going to work from also that perspective. I run, I don’t use car or bus or anything, so that… I’m sure that in some things I’m a terrible spender, but in this thing I try to save nature, or I have always been like that . So that it somehow… In some things like these where one can so then one aims to make a difference . So yes, people do have a very big difference in this, or the power.

Caroline’s account starts from her statement underlining that of course individual people have agency in respect to climate change. Interestingly, also such participants who elsewhere in their interview doubted the impact of one person’s actions (theme Ambivalent ), had this theme appear in their interviews with this type of emphasis on an individual chances to play a role. Caroline’s metaphor of personal actions is the carbon footprint —a common occurrence within this theme—and like many participants, she mentions her footprint is smaller than average. Running to work is not only constructed as a choice but as related to something she has always been , reflecting the common occurrence within this theme, where participants constructed their environmental actions as something they are or as their lifestyle . However, like Caroline who mentions that she is surely “a terrible spender” in some ways, the interviewees often downplayed their individual actions. Many of the dynamics discussed here, especially questions about climate actions as something that one is and as a lifestyle question, come close to studies on identity-related concepts such as environmental identity (Stapleton, 2015 ; Vesely et al., 2021 ; Walsh and Cordero, 2019 ).

Yet another discursive feature that was seen across other extracts in theme Individual is how Caroline constructs her personal actions as doing what one can . In many interviews, framing one’s own sphere of agency with “doing what one can” did not seem to imply that the speaker in any absolute sense tries out all possible options to do what they humanly can. Rather, the phrase “doing what one can” translated as “doing what is not too time consuming or unpleasant” while implying that there are limits or restrictions to what a single person can do.

The participants constructed their own agency as that of a critical agent being able to spot, analyze, and criticize problematic climate change discourses, narratives, and understandings that somehow misrepresent climate change. Climate change was approached as a mediated phenomenon misunderstood by many people, excluding the speaker. This theme often served in climate change skeptical accounts, as the speaker constructed for him—or herself a superior critical position in relation to what were presented as dubious and exaggerating climate change discourses.

In Gary’s account below, which is a part of a longer extract, climate change is connected with environmental extremist misbeliefs. Trying to debunk them becomes an attempt to show climate change does not exist as imagined by what he has previously called “average people”.

Gary: Look, also this fact of the cars that they are destroying the environment and… Diesel cars you know, I mean, Diesel cars are the devil blah-blah-blah or whatever. Look at the numbers at the data , I mean the quality of the air in the city for instance in this country that they have this war against this type of cars. It didn’t change significantly when there were one kinds of the car around during the lockdown. But this was not publicized that much . These are things that should be… understood. You must believe that we do the worst possible things to the environment. But you know how many people, normal people they actually know that some kilometers beyond their feet is going on a nuclear reaction? The worst bomb we ever built, it’s nothing compared to what is happening when you go into the mantle or down into the planet. They don’t know that. They believe that they gathered the evidence that they will destroy the planet one day with this. No, we can destroy us.

This account presents Gary as a critical agent able to see through misinformation that is not transparent to “normal people”. Typically of theme Critical, Gary vaguely refers to scientific evidence (“look at the numbers”) in arguing that Diesel cars are not as big a polluter as people tend to think, but displays this evidence as something that has not been publicized much—thus, he has privileged access to information that “they”, the ignorant others, do not. He mentions that in our culture, the norm is that you have to believe that humans do the worst kind of things to the environment, moving on to debunk this claim by explaining that the power of the earth roaming beneath our feet is much greater than the power of any bomb humans could build. Thus, climate change becomes connected with claims such as “Diesel cars destroy the environment” and “humans have the power to destroy the planet”, and by disqualifying these claims, Gary is attempting to show that humans cannot have caused climate change by themselves and that most people are blinded by misunderstandings. As is reflected in Gary’s example, this theme often likened taking climate change seriously with naive or emotionally driven environmentalism, resembling results from previous studies (Tollemache, 2019 ; Westcott, 2019 ).

The interviewees constructed human agency as severely compromised and threatened by climate change. They acknowledged how climate change impacts wider ecosystems and sometimes recognized the differences in how people from various parts of the world are being exposed to it.

Uri: Well, it certainly—what it means is that the earth is… is heading for a disaster , essentially. That if we don’t… And I don’t say- I don’t have any answers on how to how to do this, but if you don’t, if we don’t do things to mitigate climate change then I think that it — it’s only gonna be more difficult to live in in our environment . Vis-à-vis the—what’s happening in Texas for instance.

Uri presents climate change first as a disastrous threat to all life in general and then to humans in particular. In this theme, it was common to point to the urgent need for humans to act to avoid even direr future consequences. Many mentioned current or recent natural catastrophes as examples of what is already taking place—Uri was referring to the weather conditions causing problems in Texas in the winter 2021. Like Uri’s, almost all of the variations of the theme were also fairly human centric, and climate change was sometimes presented as a force pushing humans to the verge of extinction. The variations of the theme drew from common Apocalyptic stories and grammatically, used dramatic presence and future tense to construct a sense of proximate and ever-escalating, practically unsolvable threats. The hesitations present in Uri’s example, such as a false start with “if we don’t”, followed by a downplay of his own authority in knowing what should be done, imply that such dramatic accounts of threatened human life are challenging to negotiate. Differing from the previous theme, in this one many speakers did not seem willing to present themselves as experts with definitive answers, but underlined the profound uncertainty of the situation.

The participants either constructed human agency as too weak to have caused climate change to begin with, or so lacking that humans will simply not be able to solve the problem. As shown in the example from Beth, an extract from a larger account, “people” were often displayed as simply and categorically not able to do what climate change is requiring, as they are selfish, comfort-seeking, and consumption-oriented.

Beth: Our culture is based on consumption and individualism and… It’s really difficult for us to change that that we couldn’t do all the things we want to do because of climate change… if you follow the conversation about when we—when they are trying to curb the gas consumption, cars, people are screaming to high heavens!

In Beth’s example, it is our collective culture that rests on individualism and consumption; then again, it is difficult for “us”, to a collective that also includes her, to accept not being able to do all things that we want to. She starts out by “we” but then changes to “they” in describing the attempt to reduce the gas consumption, which strikes protest. Her expression of people “screaming to high heavens” invokes an image of childlike selfishness. Within this theme, people were often depicted as so flawed in their character that any of the big collaborative movements needed to fight climate change would never be possible. In one variation of the theme in one of the interviews, this theme repeatedly occurred as a way to express that humans are too small and insignificant to have been able to cause climate change in the first place.

The participants constructed human agency as thinking, learning, imagining, discussing, and reflecting on the complexity of climate change. The speakers explicitly displayed themselves as tackling the challenge of climate agency intellectually, talked about the global and differentiated influences of climate change, and/or described climate change as something humans need to face by cognitive activity.

Ollie: What is really missing is complexity thinking . We really have to start thinking about the world not in terms of an equation with two variables, you know, supply and demand, but we have to think a lot more broadly on many many things , and I- this is completely missing in politics everywhere. And that’s why I think we need an emotional kick in the butt . I think people like Greta Thunberg and also as I say good fiction, really good fiction books and shows, theater plays, have a real big role to play here, absolutely.

Ollie is asking for more complex thinking to replace the old, economically driven and reductionistic thinking. It is the unspecified “we” that needs this thinking, but the first person “I” is the one thinking humans need “an emotional kick”. This metaphor represents an interesting bridge from the emotional realm into this theme that otherwise tends to highlight cognitive operations. Ollie positions Greta Thunberg along with various forms of culture as able to help people towards more complex thinking. Here he merely mentions books, but in other variations of theme Reflective elsewhere in his interview he, as many other participants, discussed the act of (solitary) reading as an important act to understand climate change better.

Human agency was underlined as having caused climate change or, in some cases, as having contributed to it. Sometimes the speaker included themselves in the collective responsible for creating climate change; sometimes, a detached entity such as “humanity” was displayed as responsible. In more climate change skeptical accounts, human agency was constructed as only one potential driver of climate change.

Adam: So I guess I’m realizing now I’m sort of artificially separating myself from climate change which is perhaps not the correct thing to do, because I am just as responsible for creating it as any other human on this planet . So it does have an agency and it is, I guess, primarily related to the agency of humans who modify and shape the natural environment in destructive ways .

Adam’s example shows him connecting his own individual agency with that of other humans and proceeding to construct a human collective as responsible for climate change. Discursively speaking, this example is a very soft and modest way of constructing human agency as having caused climate change; climate change is presented as “primarily related to the agency of humans”. Moreover, people are not displayed directly involved in doing something that causes climate change, they are merely shaping the environment “in destructive ways”. None of the examples of this theme problematized such displays of even distribution of responsibility to all humans in creating climate change. The construction of human agency was also fairly abstract: Mostly, no specific action patterns of humans influencing the climate were mentioned, and only a few participants specified by mentioning human “lifestyle” or humans’ intrinsic “laziness” as contributing to climate change.

The participants constructed their agency as conflicted. They displayed how their individual actions don’t matter in the big picture unless “the big actors” (such as big countries or corporations) change their policies, too, despaired about what or how to do, or created a more psychological conflict. In the last case, they displayed themselves as not doing what they should do or as doing something they should not. Thus, this theme shows the participants grappling with the problem of akrasia -doing something against one’s own judgment of what is the best thing to do (Steward, 1998 ).

Diana: I am paralyzed by it, because I don’t know what action will truly change anything… and what action is just throwing… a stone to space. Not even sea, but space, where it just gets lost and it’s pointless.

Diana’s example, part of a longer account classified as Ambivalent, illustrates the bleak manner some participants discussed their feeling that they don’t know what actions would truly change anything. She uses the metaphor “throwing a stone to space” to describe how climate change action seems pointless—you don’t see where your stone lands and whether it creates any effects. The speakers mentioned feeling guilty and anxious and described their actions as “purely egoistic” or “hypocritical”. Some variations of the theme showed a division between actions such as getting to talk directly to the decision makers like Greta Thunberg does versus doing pointless “small things” to soothe one’s consciousness. The theme resonates with previous results showing some people experience any meaningful climate change action as impossible in the face of big powers outside their control (Lertzman, 2019 ; Tollemache, 2019 ).

Experiential

The participants constructed themselves as experiencing, sensing, or feeling agents. The speakers explained having made personal observations of climate change in their local surroundings, discussed feelings evoked by climate change, or stated in a more detached manner that the impact of climate change can be e.g. “seen”.

Gary: I can feel on my skin the… global warming , let’s say. I honestly thought it was mostly a theory of something regarding… white bears, but in the last years I have been realizing that it’s not actually like that. I mean I see it, I realized it .

In this example, Gary is an experiencing agent sensing the increased temperatures. It is because of the sensory observations and because he has “seen” climate change that he has been convinced it is not just a silly theory regarding polar bears. Like in Gary’s example, sensing and observing the impacts of climate change was often constructed as a proof that the phenomenon does exist. In one case, this theme occurred when the speaker displayed their lack of direct personal observation as casting doubt on the existence of climate change. In the interviews of three participants, this theme emerged when they talked about feeling despair when being exposed to books or documentaries about climate change.

Human agency was constructed as something external to and detached from the speaker. A vague, unspecified agency was attributed to decision makers, countries, corporations, or science. Sometimes, humans in general, constructed as a distanced agent excluding the speaker, were presented as holding agency.

Cat: Perhaps the biggest problem is exactly this that our mechanisms to take some decisions in the long run are very very small . Democracy—a good model, or how did Churchill put it, a shitty model but the best we have, but… in many countries, something is done in cycles of four and six years , and then comes the next lot and turns the ship to the other direction, so in the big picture, it is not moving forward… the development. And then, business is the driver , so that the big vast financial actors, big businesses so … Because that is our driver all the time, the economic growth and… and business , so… It does get a little bit overrun.

Cat’s account shows a row of external agents: “our mechanisms”, the political decision making systems, “the next lot” (of newly elected politicians), “business” and “economic growth”. “The development” is not moving forward and climate change, hiding behind the noun “it”, gets overrun. In this theme, the individual human or human collectives do not appear to have much agency, and the speaker is detached from the systems within which all action and power are located.

In some variations of this theme, in placing agency on science and technology, the speaker constructed climate change as a solvable and thus, not a serious problem. With its focus on external agents this theme resonates with some previous research showing the tendency to hope that agents outside the speaker would step up and commit to some visionary or collective action (Robison, 2019 ; Tollemache, 2019 ).

The participants constructed human agency as influenced by climate change; it changes humans’ living conditions or challenges them to act and think differently. These changes were not constructed as threatening human lives but as pushing people for transformations in how they organize their lives as individuals and communities.

Adam: I don’t know it’s just sort of like an intervention. Like as if as if humans are like these addicts to a particular way of living and being in the world and climate change is like, you know, the intervention moment where we have to think differently about the way we live our lives .

The metaphor of “intervention” places humans as a collective hopelessly attached to their consumption-oriented ways of living, challenged by climate change, an external agent that comes to people’s lives to ask them to rethink their lifestyles. The long history of anthropogenic climate change is reduced to an “intervention moment” asking the currently living people, including Adam, to think differently about their lifestyles. The account does not include any specifics as to what this change entails in practice. As the example of Adam hints with the metaphor of “intervention”, this theme could have developed to the direction of discussing the deep mutual entanglements of humans and climate change. This never happened in this data, supporting the notion that people do not usually address the nonhuman environment in relational terms and that constructing human agency as emerging from entanglements with the nonhuman is a difficult task (Verlie, 2020 ; Zegers, 2019 ).

Benefitting

The participants constructed themselves as personally benefitting from climate change either because it makes their living conditions easier due to milder weather or gives them more work. The individual’s increased agency was presented in a rather implicit manner.

Larry: I don’t mean it, but jokingly I say that my, you know, my work is in working with the effects of climate change, not preventing it, so. More disasters, more work for me . But that comes with a like sarcastic—that’s not what I actually think.

Larry’s example shows how the participants acknowledged that saying one has benefitted from climate change is perhaps socially undesirable, and framed their accounts as humor, used different hedging strategies, and/or nonverbal communication to underline that they know what they say might be unexpected. Larry’s presentation of climate change as indirectly enhancing his agency is embedded within downplaying expressions such as “I don’t mean it”. Larry frames his statement of climate change bringing him more work as something that he “jokingly says” and as a remark he might make in some other context, but not as something he truly means to say in this interview. The theme points to the importance of recognizing that in ecological destruction, there are winners and losers, and formulating the (albeit fragile and temporary) winner position is a complex discursive task requiring face keeping work.

This paper has discussed 12 broad themes of agency that the interviewees constructed with regards to climate change. Next, I will briefly discuss the themes in relation to previous literature, zoom in on Critical agency, and make some suggestions to climate communications.

The themes involve a rich variety of agencies that negotiate and reach beyond many predominant climate change discourses currently circulating within Western societies. With Individual agency, the participants put themselves in dialog with the notion of a self-reflective climate agent monitoring their carbon footprints (e.g. Siperstein, 2016 ). Yet, both Critical and Ambivalent agency themes included criticism on such emphasis on one individual’s influence as unrealistic and guilt provoking. The apocalyptic climate change stories (e.g. Cole, 2021 ) were a resource for many examples of Threatened agency, but within Critical agency, such notions were problematized as too reductive and counterproductive. Moreover, the participants could not be classified in terms of what kind of themes emerged in their interview. Also seemingly incompatible themes could occur within the same interview; for example, the same participant could construct themselves as trying to take climate change mitigation actions (Individual), doubting the effectiveness of such actions in the big picture (Ambivalent), and adopt a critical position towards climate change as something not supported by mathematics (Critical). This resonates with the understanding that many people hold very contradictory feelings and thoughts about climate change (Hoggett, 2019 ).

Discursively speaking, many of the themes came across as quite vague in how human agency was constructed. Climate action was often discussed in terms of relatively generic, merely potential individual actions (Individual), meaningless and hopeless attempts to act (Ambivalence, Limited), or in terms of what is done somewhere else by someone else (External). The prevalence of Reflective and Critical themes suggests that climate change is often approached as a mediated phenomenon, known from the media and other sources, and requiring first and foremost thinking and other cognitive activities. Even if some of the interviewees live in areas where climate change has caused vast ecological disasters, their personal experience seemed to be translated more into detailed descriptions of what climate change threats look like than to motivated talk about adaptive and mitigating actions. I suggest, in alignment with previous papers, that it is important to continue fostering concrete, shared, collective imaginations about possible futures with attention to how an individual’s thinking and experiences can be bridged with the broader collective level of action (Milkoreit, 2017 ; Monroe et al., 2019 ).

Furthermore, the human-centeredness of most agency themes points to the potential of drawing from more relational ontologies (Verlie, 2017 , 2019a , 2019b , 2020 , 2021 ) in enriching the ways people construct agency. While the themes were mostly not resonating with the idea that individual humans could rationally control climate change, they also did not include much alternatives to such human-centrism. Only Influenced agency hinted towards thinking where humans and climate change influence each other and humans need to address climate change from within this entanglement. Discourses acknowledging the potential of a more relationally attuned agency should be made more available to people as resources for constructing climate change agency.

The most common theme in this interview data was Collective, where humans were displayed as able and willing to do things as a “we”. Fiskio ( 2012 ) has criticized the narrative that people need to face the catastrophe with a sense of purpose and community for romantization and utopian hopes. In the theme Collective observed here, the speakers did not talk much about the future but stayed in the here-and-now, and romantization or utopian hopes were not present in the accounts. The theme seems to counteract the hopelessness of individual actions present in Ambivalent agency and the emphasis on simple, individual actions in Individual agency, while constructing the meaning of one’s individual actions in relation to bigger human collectives. This theme might come close to what Moser ( 2010 ) means with narratives that help people make sense of their actions within the wider social and ecological contexts while enabling them to construct a socially desirable identity. It also resonates with research emphasizing the importance of bridging one’s individual thinking and actions with larger collective manifestations of agency that have a relevant impact on climate change (Bamberg et al., 2015 ; Jugert et al., 2016 ; Milkoreit, 2017 ; van Zomeren et al., 2013 ). Yet, such routes from the individual to the collective level seem to be difficult to construct. This interview data included only one concrete example of how one individual’s specific action (refusing to drive their children to school but biking instead) has larger ripple effects all the way up to the level of fossil fuel economy and climate change.

Arguments against the existence of human-caused climate change were crafted within the themes Experiential, Critical, and Limited agency. Within Experiential agency, not having personal experience of the effects of climate change was constructed as crucial evidence against the existence of it. Some extracts of Limited agency underlined that humans are too small and insignificant to have caused climate change. Most displays of doubt and skepticism occurred within Critical agency and hence, were linked with displaying oneself as having critical skills to pinpoint the simplicity of prevailing societal discourses and the lacking understanding of other people. Doubting climate change was not associated with harboring conspiracy theories or with explicit doubt towards science (Jacques and Knox, 2016 ; Lewandowsky et al., 2013 ). Doubt was constructed in relation to supposedly narrow, exaggerated, or naïve narratives and beliefs held by other people. Scientific rhetoric and concepts were commonly employed in ways that failed to follow any remotely scientific logic. These findings are in alignment with much previous research underlining how climate change skepticism and denial are embedded within an attempt to appear scientific and rational (Bloomfield and Tillery, 2019 ; Jylhä, 2018 ; Sharman, 2014 ). Some examples of Critical agency drew from media representations of climate change as still a debated issue within climate science (Jylhä, 2018 ) and emphasized the speaker’s media reading skills. These findings are also in alignment with Hamilton ( 2011 ) who argues that the dissemination of climate denialism has led many people to consider themselves well informed on the topic of climate change, even if they do not understand its basic ideas and seem to have no contact with the primary research literature.

I suggest that it might be fruitful to address people who have skeptical or denialist beliefs acknowledging their self-presentation as rationally and scientifically thinking individuals and allowing them to stay critical while leveraging this position to counter misconceptions. Furthermore, in Critical agency, no difference was made between climate change as a force proper versus as a phenomenon mediated by societal discourses, which enabled the speakers to use criticism of the discursive representations in counterarguing the existence of climate change per se. It might be important to support the audience’s investments in critical agency by helping them to understand how to separate climate change as a scientifically proven phenomenon from societal and media disputes. It might be especially relevant to do this in ways that do not put too much pressure on the general conservative worldview and the social identity investments behind climate change denial (Jylhä and Hellmer, 2020 ; Jylhä et al., 2020 ; Kahan, 2010 , 2015 ).

The qualitative nature of this study and the relatively small sample size limit the generalizability of the findings. Further work is needed to investigate whether similar agency themes would emerge in other contexts. The relatively high educational level of the participants presents a further limitation for generalizability. Further research could investigate how people from more varied educational backgrounds construct climate change agency. Yet another potential research topic would be to study how people respond to narratives written to emphasize a particular agency theme and whether these could be leveraged in nudging people towards climate aware actions.

This paper has demonstrated the discursive variability of agency constructions and drawn attention to some of the general themes and their discursive qualities that emerge in climate change conversations. More specifically, I have pointed out that many of the agency constructions come across as vague, external, or intellectualizing, thus perhaps reflecting emotional detachment from climate change (see e.g. Norgaard, 2011 ). This points to the need to continue fostering discourses and stories that feed the public imagination of practical ways of acting that also connect with and have ripple effects on larger community and social levels. Another aspect combining most of the agency constructions was their human-centeredness, illustrating that more relationally oriented thinking on human–nonhuman interrelatedness is needed to enrich discourses available to people figuring out their agencies in relation to climate change.

Different agency themes open and (partly) close different ways of seeing climate change and taking action to address it. Acknowledging the variety of climate change agencies can help in continuing to steer richer discussions on how to keep human agency transforming toward more collaborative, relationally oriented, and flexible forms needed to tackle the forthcoming, increasingly complex developments of the climate crisis.

Data availability

The datasets generated and analyzed during this study are not publicly available due to them being interview transcripts, the publication of which would severely compromise the anonymity and privacy of the individual participants. The anonymized interview transcripts are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

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Acknowledgements

I started writing this paper as a postdoctoral researcher at the stimulating environment of the ERC—funded NARMESH project at the University of Ghent, Belgium. The project received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (grant agreement no. 714 166). I am very grateful for Professor Marco Caracciolo and for Dr. Gry Ulstein for their insightful feedback on the early versions of the manuscript. Many thanks also to Tanja Vainikainen, M.Sc., for checking the language of the paper. Lastly, I also wish to present my thanks for my new colleagues at the University of Twente, the Netherlands, for their interest and support for my research.

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Toivonen, H. Themes of climate change agency: a qualitative study on how people construct agency in relation to climate change. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 9 , 102 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-022-01111-w

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Climate change affects your life in 3 big ways, a new report warns

Alejandra Borunda

Headshot of Lauren Sommer.

Lauren Sommer

Rebecca Hersher at NPR headquarters in Washington, D.C., July 25, 2018. (photo by Allison Shelley) (Square)

Rebecca Hersher

climate change a case study of

Climate change causes tens of billions of dollars in economic damage in the United States every year, according to a new assessment. Many survivors of climate-driven disasters, including hurricanes, floods and wildfires, struggle for months or even years to repair their homes or find new stable housing. Here, a Louisiana home damaged by a hurricane sits waiting for unaffordable repairs. Ryan Kellman/NPR hide caption

Climate change is expensive, deadly and preventable, according to the new National Climate Assessment, the most sweeping, sophisticated federal analysis of climate change compiled to date.

Released every five years, the National Climate Assessment is a congressionally mandated evaluation of the effects of climate change on American life. This new fifth edition paints a picture of a nation simultaneously beset by climate-driven disasters and capable of dramatically reducing emissions of planet-warming gasses in the near future.

This is the first time the assessment includes standalone chapters about climate change's toll on the American economy, as well as the complex social factors driving climate change and the nation's responses. And, unlike past installments, the new assessment draws heavily from social science, including history, sociology, philosophy and Indigenous studies.

The new approach adds context and relevance to the assessment's robust scientific findings, and underscores the disproportionate danger that climate change poses to poor people, marginalized communities, older Americans and those who work outdoors.

"Climate change affects us all, but it doesn't affect us all equally," says climate scientist Katharine Hayhoe, one of the authors of the assessment. But threaded throughout the report are case studies and research summaries highlighting ways "climate action can create a more resilient and just country," she says.

This is also the first time the National Climate Assessment will be translated into Spanish, although the Spanish-language version won't be available until the spring, according to the White House.

The National Climate Assessment is extremely influential in legal and policy circles, and affects everything from court cases about who should foot the bill for wildfire damage, to local decisions about how tall to build coastal flood barriers. "It really shapes the way that people understand, and therefore act, in relation to climate change," says Michael Burger, the director of the Sabin Center for Climate Change Law at Columbia University.

Hundreds of scientists from universities, industry, and federal agencies contributed to the report. They reviewed cutting-edge research published since the last report and contextualized it in decades of foundational climate research.

The fifth edition of the assessment arrives as millions of Americans are struggling with the effects of a hotter Earth. Dramatic and deadly wildfires, floods and heat waves killed hundreds of people in the United States in 2023.

And, while federal spending on renewable energy and disaster preparedness has increased, the U.S. is also investing in new fossil fuel infrastructure that is not compatible with avoiding catastrophic warming later this century.

Here are the three big takeaways from the Fifth National Climate Assessment . More information about the specific effects of climate change in your area can be found in the assessment's regional chapters .

climate change a case study of

Windmills near Whitewater, Calif., in 2020. Reducing fossil fuel use and investing more in renewable energy sources such as wind will help the U.S. avoid billions of dollars of economic costs and help Americans live longer, healthier lives according to the Fifth National Climate Assessment. Ringo H.W. Chiu/AP hide caption

Windmills near Whitewater, Calif., in 2020. Reducing fossil fuel use and investing more in renewable energy sources such as wind will help the U.S. avoid billions of dollars of economic costs and help Americans live longer, healthier lives according to the Fifth National Climate Assessment.

Climate change makes life more expensive

Food, housing, labor – it all gets pricier as the Earth heats up, according to the National Climate Assessment.

Climate-driven weather disasters, like heat waves, floods, hurricanes and wildfires, are particularly expensive. They destroy homes and businesses, wreck crops and create supply shortages by delaying trucks, ships and trains. Such disasters make it more likely that families will go bankrupt, and that municipal governments will run deficits, the authors note.

Weather-related disasters in the U.S. cause about $150 billion each year in direct losses, according to the report. That's a lot of money – roughly equal to the annual budget for the Energy Department – and it's only expected to go up as the Earth gets hotter.

And that's all before factoring in the less obvious or tangible costs of climate change. For example, healthcare bills for people who are sicker because of extreme heat, or have respiratory illness brought on by breathing in mold after a flood. Exposure to wildfire smoke alone costs billions of dollars a year in lost earnings, the assessment notes – a burden that falls disproportionately on poor people who work outdoors.

"The research indicates that people who are lower income have more trouble adapting [to climate change], because adaptation comes at a cost," says Solomon Hsiang, a climate economist at the University of California, Berkeley and a lead author of the assessment.

For example, one of the simplest ways to adapt to severe heat waves is to run your air conditioner more. But "if people can't pay for it, then [they] can't protect themselves," explains Hsiang.

And the hotter it gets, the more profound the economic harm, assessment warns. Twice as much planetary warming leads to more than twice as much economic harm, the assessment warns.

climate change a case study of

A roadside memorial to those who died in the wildfire that swept through the town of Lahaina, Hawaii in August. The latest National Climate Assessment underscores the many ways that climate change is already making Americans sick, and even killing them. Claire Harbage/NPR hide caption

A roadside memorial to those who died in the wildfire that swept through the town of Lahaina, Hawaii in August. The latest National Climate Assessment underscores the many ways that climate change is already making Americans sick, and even killing them.

Climate change makes people sick and often kills them

Since the previous NCA was released five years ago, the health costs of climate change have gone from theoretical to personal for many Americans.

The most obvious risk? Extreme weather, particularly heat, says Mary Hayden, the lead author of the chapter examining human health. Heat waves have become hotter, longer, and more dangerous, and they're hitting areas that aren't ready for them–like the "record-shattering" heat dome that descended on the Pacific Northwest in 2021 and caused hundreds of deaths.

But it's not just heat. Wildfire smoke can send people thousands of miles from the fires to hospitals with respiratory problems and heart disease complications. Hurricanes can disrupt people's access to healthcare: when a clinic is flooded or people are displaced, for example, kidney patients can't get dialysis treatment .

In most cases, the people who bear the brunt of the disasters are those already at risk: poor communities, communities of color, women, people with disabilities, and other marginalized groups. Temperatures in formerly redlined neighborhoods in cities across the country can soar nearly 15 degrees Fahrenheit hotter than wealthier areas just blocks away, putting residents at much higher risk of heat exposure.

The assessment also homes in on research tracking less-obvious health impacts. Living through climate disasters, for example, can leave lasting emotional scars. "We're not just talking about [people's] physical health–we're talking about their mental health. We're talking about their spiritual health. We're talking about the health and well-being of communities which are being affected by this," Hayden says.

That means recognizing the long-term effects on communities like Paradise, California, where people still deal with deep emotional trauma five years after their town burned in the 2018 Camp Fire. The report also flags the growing emotional toll on children and young people, for whom anxiety about the future of the planet is bleeding into all parts of their lives.

climate change a case study of

A lobsterman paddles out to his boat in a harbor in Maine. Climate change is disrupting ways of living with, and from, the ocean. Ryan Kellman hide caption

Climate change threatens people's special, sacred places and practices

The places, cultural practices, and traditions that anchor many communities are also in flux because of climate change.

Fishing communities are seeing their livelihoods shift or collapse. The Northeast's iconic lobster fishery, the single most economically valuable in the country, has withered as marine heatwaves sweep through the regional seas . Shrinking snowpack and too-warm temperatures are interrupting opportunities for beloved recreational activities, like skiing or ice fishing .

Indigenous communities are being forced to adjust to new climate realities, which are disrupting traditional food-gathering traditions. In Palau, a monthly tradition of catching fish at a particularly low tide has been upset by sea level rise, which keeps water levels too high to trap fish in the historically-used places . Sea level rise is also forcing coastal communities to re-think their very existence, pulling apart the social fabric that has developed over generations.

But many communities – Indigenous people, farmers and fishers, groups that have lived tightly connected to their environments for a long time – have deep stores of resilience from which to draw, says Elizabeth Marino, a sociologist and the lead author of the chapter on social transformations. "There is quite a lot of wisdom in place to adapt to and even mitigate climate change," she says. "It allows people to come up with solutions that fit the lives that they lead, and that's also a place of hope."

The fixes to climate change can make Americans' lives better

The fifth assessment lays out a stark picture of the climate challenges the U.S. faces. Keeping planetary warming to "well below" 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 degrees Fahrenheit), the goal of the international Paris Agreement, will require immediate, enormous cuts to fossil fuel emissions in the U.S and beyond. Keeping warming below 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit), an ambitious target written into the Agreement, will be even harder, the report says.

But it also points out many successful efforts underway to adapt to the new reality and to prevent worse outcomes.

"It's not the message that if we don't hit 1.5 degrees, we're all going to die," says Hayhoe. "It's the message that everything we do matters. Every 10th of a degree of warming we avoid, there's a benefit to that."

Addressing fossil fuel-driven climate change can also help people live healthier lives, stresses J. Jason West, the lead author on a chapter on air quality. Dialing back fossil fuel emissions would help prevent further climate change and also lessen the kinds of air pollution most harmful to human health." There really is a lot of opportunity to take action that would resolve both of those problems at the same time," West says.

There's been a subtle shift in the report's perspective since the last one, says Candis Callison, a sociologist and author of the report. There's now a clear acknowledgement, developed through years of rigorous research, that the fossil fuel-powered society the U.S. built over generations was profoundly unjust. Many pollution-producing coal or gas power plants were sited in communities of color rather than white communities, affecting people's health outcomes for generations. And decisions about land and water use for energy extraction often excluded tribal communities , with consequences still playing out today.

The transition forward can look different, she says. "Climate change actually provides us with an opportunity to address some of those inequities and injustices–and to respond to these impacts," Callison says. "That's really a powerful thing."

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Original research article, how academic research and news media cover climate change: a case study from chile.

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  • 1 Education, Research, and Innovation (ERI) Sector, NEOM, Tabuk, Saudi Arabia
  • 2 Departamento de Ciencias del Lenguaje, Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Santiago, Chile

Introduction: Climate change has significant impacts on society, including the environment, economy, and human health. To effectively address this issue, it is crucial for both research and news media coverage to align their efforts and present accurate and comprehensive information to the public. In this study, we use a combination of text-mining and web-scrapping methods, as well as topic-modeling techniques, to examine the similarities, discrepancies, and gaps in the coverage of climate change in academic and general-interest publications in Chile.

Methods: We analyzed 1,261 academic articles published in the Web of Science and Scopus databases and 5,024 news articles from eight Chilean electronic platforms, spanning the period from 2012 to 2022.

Results: The findings of our investigation highlight three key outcomes. Firstly, the number of articles on climate change has increased substantially over the past decade, reflecting a growing interest and urgency surrounding the issue. Secondly, while both news media and academic research cover similar themes, such as climate change indicators, climate change impacts, and mitigation and adaptation strategies, the news media provides a wider variety of themes, including climate change and society and climate politics, which are not as commonly explored in academic research. Thirdly, academic research offers in-depth insights into the ecological consequences of global warming on coastal ecosystems and their inhabitants. In contrast, the news media tends to prioritize the tangible and direct impacts, particularly on agriculture and urban health.

Discussion: By integrating academic and media sources into our study, we shed light on their complementary nature, facilitating a more comprehensive communication and understanding of climate change. This analysis serves to bridge the communication gap that commonly, exists between scientific research and news media coverage. By incorporating rigorous analysis of scientific research with the wider reach of the news media, we enable a more informed and engaged public conversation on climate change.

1. Introduction

Climate change is the most pervasive threat to the world's natural, social, political, and economic systems. Human activities have caused a rise in greenhouse gas (GHG) concentrations in the atmosphere and caused the earth's surface temperature to rise, leading to many other changes around the world—in the atmosphere, on land, and in the oceans ( Wyser et al., 2020 ; Masson-Delmotte et al., 2021 ). Indicators of these changes include increases in global average air and ocean temperature, rising global sea levels ( Zemp et al., 2019 ; Garcia-Soto et al., 2021 ; Oliver et al., 2021 ), amplification of permafrost thawing and glacier retreat ( Sommer et al., 2020 ; Wilkenskjeld et al., 2022 ), reduction of snow and ice cover ( Shepherd et al., 2018 ), ocean acidification ( Doney et al., 2020 ) and stronger and more frequent extreme events such as heatwaves, storms, droughts, wildfires, and flooding ( Abram et al., 2021 ; van der Wiel and Bintanja, 2021 ). These changes are projected to continue throughout at least the rest of this century ( Smale et al., 2019 ; Cook et al., 2020 ; Kwiatkowski et al., 2020 ; Ortega et al., 2021 ). Mitigation and adaptation are two complementary strategies for addressing climate change ( Abubakar and Dano, 2020 ; Diamond et al., 2020 ; Tosun, 2022 ). Mitigation focuses on reducing emissions or enhancing GHG sinks, while adaptation involves building resilience to the unavoidable impacts on people and ecosystems. To be successful, these efforts require a deep scientific understanding, as well as the active engagement of the scientific community, civil society, and other stakeholders ( Wamsler, 2017 ; Tai and Robinson, 2018 ; Gonçalves et al., 2022 ).

News media and academic research have distinct roles in communicating scientific findings on climate change ( Corbett, 2015 ). News media rapidly disseminate scientific findings to a broader audience, shaping public understanding and influencing science-policy translation, practices, politics, public opinion, and understanding of climate change. They select and frame information to shape public awareness and perception, often influenced by various factors such as political, economic, scientific, ecological, or social events. Academic research provides a scientific foundation, evidence-based insights, and focuses on rigorous methodologies, data analysis, and the generation of scientific knowledge related to climate change. Aligning news media and academic research in their coverage is essential for effectively addressing climate change. Consistent messaging and shared thematic structures between media and academia build public trust and understanding, enabling informed decision-making and collective action. However, it's important to acknowledge that variations may exist between news media and academic research coverage due to factors like economic development, political influences, and differing focuses on the societal dimension of climate change ( Hase et al., 2021 ).

Over the past decade, media coverage of climate science has grown in accuracy, though the extent and type of coverage varies between countries and is often connected to political, scientific, ecological, or social events ( Shehata and Hopmann, 2012 ; Schmidt et al., 2013 ; Lopera and Moreno, 2014 ; Schäfer and Schlichting, 2014 ; Stecula and Merkley, 2019 ; Hase et al., 2021 ; Dubash et al., 2022 ). A growing body of experimental research has explored how climate change has been represented in news media ( Dotson et al., 2012 ; Wozniak et al., 2015 ; Barkemeyer et al., 2017 ; Bohr, 2020 ; Keller et al., 2020 ) as well as providing an overview of the state of knowledge on the science of climate change ( Berrang-Ford et al., 2015 ; Pacifici et al., 2015 ; Rojas-Downing et al., 2017 ; Cianconi et al., 2020 ; Fawzy et al., 2020 ; Olabi and Abdelkareem, 2022 ; Talukder et al., 2022 ). As far as we know, however, no previous research has investigated simultaneously news media coverage and academia's research agenda on climate change globally or locally. Therefore, the primary goal of our study is to evaluate, by means of text-mining, web-scraping methods, and topic-modeling techniques, the extent of alignment between news media and academic research in their coverage of climate change topics in the context of Chile. By examining the content and comparing the thematic focus of climate change discourse in both sources, this study will contribute to understanding the similarities, discrepancies, and gaps in the coverage of climate change in Chile. Furthermore, the findings can inform future efforts to improve the alignment and comprehensiveness of climate change communication between news media and academia, ultimately promoting public awareness and understanding of this critical global issue ( Leuzinger et al., 2019 ; Albagli and Iwama, 2022 ).

Chile is particularly interesting as study model due to a variety of political, geographic, ecological, political, and social factors. Despite contributing only 0.23% to global GHG emissions ( Labarca et al., 2023 ), Chile is highly vulnerable to climate change impacts. Evidence of current and future effects of climate change on Chilean territory has been mounting ( Bozkurt et al., 2017 ; Araya-Osses et al., 2020 ; Martínez-Retureta et al., 2021 ), which could have detrimental consequences for citizens' health and wellbeing by impacting key sectors such as fisheries and aquaculture, forestry, agriculture and livestock, mining, energy, and water resources. Additionally, the Government of Chile chaired the 2019 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP25) in Spain ( Navia, 2019 ) and has committed to reducing its GHG emissions by 30% compared to 2007 levels as part of its nationally determined contributions. Previous studies have explored ideological bias in media coverage of climate change in Chile ( Dotson et al., 2012 ), however there is a lack of research comparing academic research with news media. Although this study focuses on climate change in Chile, its results more broadly inform gaps in the coverage of climate change between academic and media discourse and emphasizes the importance of analyzing both sources to improve public understanding of climate change issues.

2. Materials and methods

2.1. academic articles.

The ISI Web of Science WOS Core Collection ( https://apps.webofknowledge.com/ ) and Scopus ( https://www.scopus.com/home.uri ) database were chosen for the collection of academic articles. On January 18, 2023, we retrieved all publications related to climate change in Chile using the following Boolean search strategy: [(climat * chang * OR global chang * OR “climat * emergenc * OR “climat * crisis OR “global warming) AND Chile * ]. A comprehensive search strategy was employed to identify relevant publications from 2012 to 2022, without any language restrictions Following the search based on these criteria, a total of 1,758 articles from Web of Science (WOS) and 1,730 articles from Scopus were retrieved. The search results were downloaded in.xlsx format for further analysis. To ensure data accuracy, a manual comparison was conducted between the SCOPUS and WOS records, which involved examining the title, primary author, source title, and year of publication. All the articles obtained, including their titles and abstracts, were exclusively in English. Duplicate articles were discarded. We next used the title and abstract- when available- of each article to ensure we only included studies aimed at understanding climate change in Chile either by Chilean or international scientists. We include original articles and reviews, but not conference proceedings or books/book chapters, in our analysis. Articles without an abstract were also excluded. This resulted in 1,261 articles used to build the academic corpus, which comprises the following metadata for each document: database, title, abstract, and publication year.

2.2. News media articles

Climate Change coverage from Chilean electronic news platforms was also studied over the 10-year period from 2012 to 2022. This time period was determined by the availability of items on the selected platforms. The sample included eight electronic platforms: La Tercera, Meganoticias, CNN Chile, El Mostrador, T13, CHV Noticias, El Desconcierto and Diario Financiero. The platforms were chosen based on their national coverage, their high circulation and accessibility without a subscription fee. The approach to retrieve the articles was as follows. First, tags directly related to climate change were identified: “climate change,” “global warming,” “climatic crisis,” and “climatic emergency.” This strategy allows for a systematization of sampling. For each article, the name of the media, tag, headline, date, and URL of the source page were retrieved using the Rvest ( Wickham, 2016 ) and RSelenium ( Harrison and Harrison, 2022 ) R-packages. The URLs were then used to extract the articles' full text (body). Those articles that were not retrievable using this method due to forbidden access or any other restrictions in the source page were discarded from the collection. A total of 6,056 news articles were retrieved between January 06 and 15, 2023. Because a news item may include different tags, we removed duplicate articles for each of the platforms. Articles in which the date could not be retrieved were also discarded. After this filtering process, we obtained 5024 articles, which were used to build the news media corpus ( Table 1 ).

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Table 1 . Information of electronic platform and news media articles retrieved.

2.3. Preprocessing

The corpora were preprocessed as follows: performing tokenization into unigrams (one word) using the “tidytext” R-package ( Silge and Robinson, 2016 ), normalizing text into lowercase and removing punctuation, symbols, numbers, and HTML tags. English and Spanish lists of stop words were applied to the academic ( Puurula, 2013 ) and news media (a proposed list of Spanish stop-words was used; Díaz, 2016 ) corpus, respectively. Additional terms (e.g., academic corpus: “mission”, “b.v”, “rights”, “reserved”; news media corpus: “tags”, “u-uppercase”, “video”, “cnn”, “iphone”) were added to the list of stop words as frequent words present across many documents that are expected not to be related to any topic and whose presence might hinder the interpretation of the results. Also, plural words were converted to singular (e.g., academic corpus: “glaciers” to “glacier”, “southern” to “south”; news media corpus: “gases” to “gas”, “emissions” to “emission”). To preprocess the corpora, we used the “quanteda” R-package ( Benoit et al., 2018 ).

2.4. Publication trends

The Mann-Kendall trend test was used to detect an increase, decrease or no difference in the number of articles published for both academic and news media corpora. Mann-Kendall test is a distribution-free test that can be used to identify monotonic trends for as few as four samples ( Mann, 1945 ; Kendall, 1975 ). This is relevant for our purposes, given the results of our study were limited by a small sample size ( n = 10). In brief, we tested the null hypothesis if the data are identically distributed (i.e., non-trend). The alternative hypothesis was that the data follow a monotonic trend. This monotonic trend could be positive or negative. We fitted the Mann-Kendall model using the “Kendall” R-package ( McLeod and McLeod, 2015 ).

2.5. LDA topic modeling

Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA), a probabilistic topic-modeling technique, was used to identify the most common topics and themes in both corpora. Briefly, topic modeling is an unsupervised machine learning technique which can identify co-occurring terms and patterns from collections of text documents ( Kherwa and Bansal, 2019 ). Latent LDA is a well-suited unsupervised algorithm for general topic modeling tasks, particularly when dealing with long documents, which is the case with analyzing academic or news media articles ( Anupriya and Karpagavalli, 2015 ; Goyal and Kashyap, 2022 ). LDA is a three-level hierarchical Bayesian model that employs three basic elements, namely the corpus which is constituted from a set of documents that is composed from a group of words ( Blei et al., 2003 ; Blei, 2012 ). LDA can infer probabilistic word clusters, called topics, based on patterns of (co) occurrence of words in the documents that are analyzed. LDA models each document as a mixture of topics and the model generates automatic summaries of topics in terms of a discrete probability distribution over words for each topic, and further infers per-document discrete distributions over topic. LDA output can be used logically to classify the documents according to the topic it belongs to.

Before performing the LDA, the number of topics needs to be estimated. In this study, we used two metrics from the R-package “ldatuning” ( Nikita, 2016 ): CaoJuan2009 and Deveaud2014. Whereas measure CaoJuan2009 has to be minimized ( Cao et al., 2009 ), Deveaud2014 has to be maximized ( Deveaud et al., 2014 ). Both metrics showed a plateau in the curves at 9 and 13 topics (k) for both academic and news media corpora, respectively ( Figure 1 ). For each corpus, we fitted the LDA model using the “topicmodels” R-package ( Grün and Hornik, 2011 ). The collapsed Gibbs sampling method was used to estimate the LDA parameters with 1,000 iterations for k = 13 and k = 9 topics for academic and news media corpora, respectively). Once generated, we assigned a label that adds an interpretable meaning to each of the inferred topics. It is important to note that the news media corpus was analyzed in its original language (i.e., Spanish), but the results (i.e., topics and themes) are presented in English.

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Figure 1 . Suggested number of topics in the (A) academic and (B) news media corpora using the CaoJuan2009 and Deveaud2014 metrics.

Lastly, we used a variation of Vu et al. (2019) and Keller et al. (2020) procedures to sort the topics into five overarching themes: climate change indicators (e.g., warming, temperature, glaciers, sea-level, oceans, coastal, weather, wildfires, drought, etc.); climate change impacts (e.g., water, food, agriculture, livestock, biodiversity, ecosystems, financial etc.); climate change and society (e.g., health, wellbeing, pollution, education, humanity, population, etc.); climate politics (e.g., government, law, policy, regulation, U.N., COP, agreement, etc.); and addressing climate change (e.g., adaptation, mitigation, action, renewable, GHG, emissions, fuel, management, etc.). Figure 2 summarizes the steps of data retrieval, corpus creation and content analysis.

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Figure 2 . Data collection and analysis framework.

2.6. Visualizations

Data visualizations were performed using R ( R Core Team, 2022 ) in conjunction with the software package ggplot2 ( Wickham et al., 2016 ) and dplyr ( Wickham et al., 2022 ).

3.1. Publications trends over 2012–2022 period

National and international authors published 1,261 research academic articles related to climate change in Chile during the 2012–2022 period. More than half of these articles, approximately 66.0%, were published from 2019 onwards. In terms of news media, we retrieved 5,024 articles over the period 2012–2022. Of these articles, 76.6% were published in the past 4 years. Figure 3 shows trends in the number of articles for both the academic and news media corpus. Note that the scales of the y-axis are different between corpora. Mann-Kendall trend analysis showed a significant and upward trend for the number of academic articles (τ = 1, p < 0.01, Figure 3A ) and news media articles (τ = 0.85, p = < 0.05, Figure 3B ) articles. The number of articles published per year follows a similar trend in both corpora, however, news media articles showed a sharp increase in 2019. After these peaks, the number of published media articles decreased before an additional increase was observed.

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Figure 3 . Annual trend of (A) academic and (B) news media articles published from 2012 to 2022.

3.2. LDA topic modeling

The output of the LDA for the academic and news media corpora are displayed in Table 2 . Topics were labeled based on the top 15 keywords with the largest probabilities in topics vectors ( Figures 4 , 5 ) and content in most relevant articles. In the academic corpus, the nine topics extracted were categorized into three overarching themes: “climate change indicators” (Topic A 2, A3 and A 4), “climate change impacts” (Topics A 7, A 8, and A 9), and “addressing climate change” (Topics A 1, A 5, and A 6). No topics in the academic corpus were classified as “climate change and society” or “climate politics”. The 13 topics extracted from news media corpus were classified in five themes: “climate change indicators” (Topic NM 1, NM 4, NM 7, and NM 9), “climate change impacts” (Topic NM 8 and NM 12), “addressing climate change” (Topics NM 5 and NM 13), “climate change and society” (Topics NM 2 and NM 11), and “climate politics” (Topics NM 6 and NM 10).

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Table 2 . Themes, labels, and topics identified by LDA for academic ( n = 9) and news media ( n = 13) corpora.

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Figure 4 . Word-topic probability from LDA model in the academic corpus.

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Figure 5 . Word-topic probability from LDA model in the news media corpus.

4. Discussion

This study evaluates the extent of alignment between news media and academic research in their coverage of climate change topics in Chile between 2012 and 2022. By comparing two corpora consisting of 1,261 news articles and 5,024 academic articles, this research sheds light on the similarities, discrepancies, and gaps in the coverage of climate change in Chilean academic and general-interest publications. Our analysis revealed three key findings. Firstly, the number of articles on climate change has increased substantially over the past decade, reflecting a growing interest and urgency surrounding the issue. Secondly, while both news media and academic research cover similar themes, such as climate change indicators, climate change impacts and mitigation and adaptation strategies, the news media provides a wider variety of themes, including climate change and society and climate politics, which are not as commonly explored in academic research. Thirdly, academic literature offers in-depth insights into the ecological consequences of global warming on coastal ecosystems and their inhabitants. In contrast, press media tends to prioritize the tangible and direct impacts, particularly on agriculture and urban health. These disparities not only underscore the differing emphases between news media and academic coverage but also illustrate how news media predominantly focuses on the immediate and visible impacts of climate change events.

4.1. Publications trends over 2012–2022 period

Our study explores the coverage of climate change in Chile by news media and research academia during the 2012–2022 period. We found a significant increase in the number of academic and news media articles published on climate change in Chile over the past decade, indicating growing interest and urgency surrounding the issue ( Figure 3 ). The rise in Chilean literature suggests an increased interest by the scientific community in understanding climate change in Chile, which is crucial for understanding global environmental changes and their impacts on natural, social, political, and economic systems. Our findings are consistent with previous studies that have mapped the evolution of climate change science worldwide ( Klingelhöfer et al., 2020 ; Nalau and Verrall, 2021 ; Reisch et al., 2021 ; Rocque et al., 2021 ). The media coverage of climate change in Chile also increased significantly since 2012, reaching a peak during 2019 before decreasing sharply in 2020 and increasing again thereafter. In 2019, the peak coincided with the climate summit (COP 25) held by Chile, generating great interest among civil society, scientists, and the private sector to share their plans for mitigating and adapting to climate change ( Hjerpe and Linnér, 2010 ). This event occurred at the same time as the #FridaysForFuture campaign, which mobilized an unprecedented number of youths worldwide to join the climate movement, including Chile ( Fisher, 2019 ). The campaign was instrumental not only for its potential impact on policy but also for raising public awareness about climate change and promoting action to address it. However, the media landscape experienced a notable shift in priorities due to the global COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic brought about unprecedented challenges and uncertainties, leading to changes in media coverage patterns and public attention. News media had to allocate significant resources to reporting on the pandemic, including public health information, policy responses, and updates on the spread of the virus ( Krawczyk et al., 2021 ; Mach et al., 2021 ). This shift in media priorities affected the extent and prominence of climate change coverage. Consequently, the media coverage of climate change in Chile experienced a temporary decline in 2020. However, as the world gradually adapted to the ongoing pandemic, news media resumed their coverage of climate change, and the topic regained attention. Additionally, the upcoming international conferences, such as COP 26 in England (2021) and COP 27 in Egypt (2022), may have contributed to the increased media coverage observed since 2021, as these events serve as key moments to discuss global climate action.

4.2. LDA topic modeling

Using LDA topic analysis, we found that both academic and news media articles covered three of the five evaluated themes—“climate change indicators”, “climate change impacts”, and “addressing climate change”—as shown in Table 2 and Figures 4 , 5 . The themes “climate change and society” and “climate politics” were covered by news media but has been relatively underexplored in academic research.

4.2.1. Climate change indicators

Both corpora shared a common focus on droughts and precipitations as key climate change indicators. Academic studies covered extreme precipitation and drought (Topic A 2), as well as precipitation patterns in the Andean region (Topic A 4). Similarly, news media concentrated on drought and precipitation patterns in central Chile (Topic NM 9). Research by Chilean scientists shows that since 2010, the country has witnessed a significant increase in drought intensity and frequency, accompanied by a sharp reduction in precipitation ( Garreaud et al., 2020 ; González-Reyes et al., 2023 ). The resulting prolonged drought has caused acute water stress, food insecurity, loss of livelihoods, and severe biodiversity impacts, particularly in the central region. The shared focus reflects the concern for the tangible and urgent impacts of the mega-drought experienced by Chile over the last decade ( De la Barrera et al., 2018 ; Sarricolea et al., 2020 ; Alvarez-Garreton et al., 2021 ). Thus, the alignment in attention to these issues highlights the pressing nature of the topic in Chile's context.

Moreover, the academic corpus focuses on climate change scenarios scenarios (Topic A 3) related to precipitation patterns. This indicates a strong emphasis on understanding the potential impacts of climate change on rainfall patterns and hydrological systems. On the other hand, the news media corpus predominantly focuses on indicators and trends (Topic NM 1) related to financial aspects, such as countries' expenditures, economic programs over the last decade, and historical perspectives on the planet. Although the focus of the two corpora differs in terms of temporal perspective, both share the overarching objective of understanding climate change and its indicators. The academic corpus with its emphasis on scenarios offers valuable insights into long-term projections and the potential consequences of climate change. Meanwhile, the news media corpus, with its focus on indicators and trends, serves to inform the public about the immediate impacts of climate change. By examining these complementary approaches, a more holistic understanding of climate change and its multifaceted nature can be obtained, incorporating both long-term projections and current reality.

Interestingly, news media coverage of climate change impacts extends beyond droughts and precipitation scenarios, encompassing a wide range of issues such as melting ice, sea-level rise, urban flooding, heatwaves, and fires, which have become particularly problematic in Chile and other countries, notably Europe (Topic NM 4 and 7). Heatwaves have been increasingly frequent and intense, resulting in record-breaking high temperatures across, Chile ( Piticar, 2018 ; Suli et al., 2023 ), Europe ( Xu et al., 2020 ; Becker et al., 2022 ; Lhotka and Kyselý, 2022 ) and worldwide. These episodes result in elevated mortality rates, particularly among vulnerable populations, and the amplification of other health-related risks ( An der Heiden et al., 2020 ; Błazejczyk et al., 2022 ). Fires, fueled by warmer and drier conditions, have also received considerable attention in news media. The incidence of wildfires has risen substantially, causing significant ecological damage, property destruction, and threats to human wellbeing ( Wong-Parodi, 2020 ; Hertelendy et al., 2021 ). Fires have been a significant concern in Chile between 2015 and 2022, accounting for 36% of the total burnt area from 1985 to 2022 ( Ruffault et al., 2018 ; CONAF, 2022 ; Varga et al., 2022 ). These fires have resulted in the destruction of thousands of hectares of land, vital ecosystems, and significant air pollution, all of which have adverse effects on human health. This broader coverage aligns with academic research findings that emphasize the devastating effects of climate change events on the environment, local communities, economy, welfare, and health in Chile and elsewhere ( Piticar, 2018 ; Suli et al., 2023 ). The news media serves a pivotal role in disseminating information about these climate change impacts, effectively highlighting their far-reaching consequences. Furthermore, these examples shed light on the differing emphases between news media and academic coverage, with news media giving considerable attention to the immediate and visible impacts of climate change events. This approach serves to raise awareness and engage the public in comprehending and addressing these pressing challenges.

4.2.2. Climate change impacts

The analysis reveals that academic literature predominantly concentrates on the impacts of global warming on coastal organisms (Topics A 9). Similarly, the population response of coastal species is a major research focus within academia, examining the implications of climate change on species' survival, reproductive success, and migration patterns (Topics A 7). Changes in oceans, such as temperature increase, sea level rise, and acidification, have had wide-ranging biological implications ( Dewitte et al., 2021 ; Navarrete et al., 2022 ), and recent studies have shown that marine organisms can adapt or acclimate to these changes ( Navarro et al., 2016 ; Ramajo et al., 2019 ; Fernandez et al., 2021 ; Lardies et al., 2021 ; Vargas et al., 2022 ). For instance, Navarro et al. (2020) examined the effects of ocean warming and acidification on juvenile Chilean oysters ( Ostrea chilensis ), inhabiting coastal and estuarine areas of the mid to high latitudes of southern Chile. Silva et al. (2016) investigated the impacts of projected sea surface temperature on habitat suitability and geographic distribution of anchovy ( Engraulis ringens ) due to climate change in the coastal areas off Chile, an important commercial fishery resource in Chile. Most of these species are commercially important and provide food and livelihoods for local communities. The future impacts of climate change on marine biodiversity in Chile are uncertain but could be severe if current trends persist ( Du Pontavice et al., 2020 ). Additionally, a considerable amount of academic research revolves around environmental impact and risk assessment (Topics A 9), which reflects the growing concern over the susceptibility of human and natural systems to climate change impacts in Chile. Vulnerability and risk assessment can help identify populations, regions, and sectors that are most susceptible to the current and future impacts of climate change ( Urquiza et al., 2021 ). Addressing these vulnerabilities can inform decision-making processes and support the development of effective policies and adaptation strategies ( Gandini et al., 2021 ; Simpson et al., 2021 ).

In contrast, news media predominantly highlights the significant impacts of climate change on Chilean agriculture and ecosystem services (Topic NM 8) ( Fernández et al., 2019 ). Extreme weather events, such as heatwaves and droughts, have resulted in significant alterations in the timing and quantity of rainfall. These changes, in turn, have led to notable shifts in soil moisture levels and water availability for crop cultivation. These events have also impacted soil fertility, crop yields, and farm infrastructure, as well as pollination services provided by insects, such as bees, which are critical for fruit and vegetable production ( Gajardo-Rojas et al., 2022 ). By emphasizing this interconnectedness, news media can help people understand the significant economic, social, and food security impacts of climate change on the country's agricultural sector ( Muluneh, 2021 ). Furthermore, news articles often focus on the health impacts of climate change on urban populations (Topic NM 12), such as the increased prevalence of heat-related illnesses, air pollution-related respiratory diseases, and the spread of vector-borne diseases in cities ( Bell et al., 2008 ; Oyarzún et al., 2021 ).

These disparities between academic literature and news media highlight the communication gap between scientific research and mainstream discourse on climate change impacts in Chile. While academia provides detailed insights into the ecological consequences of global warming on coastal ecosystems and their inhabitants, the news media places more emphasis on tangible and direct impacts, such as those on agriculture and urban health. Bridging this gap between academia and news media is crucial for enhancing public awareness and understanding of the comprehensive range of climate change impacts, ultimately supporting informed decision-making and sustainable action in response to this urgent global issue.

4.2.3. Adressing climate change

An alignment between academic literature and news media can be observed in their shared focus on adaptation efforts and mitigation strategies. Academic literature extensively examines the role of mitigation and adaptation in the energy sector (Topic A 1), emphasizing the importance of diversifying energy sources, developing and implementing renewable energy sources, and energy efficiency to reduce GHG emissions and provide cost-effective mitigation and adaptation benefits to households and businesses ( Nasirov et al., 2019 ; Pamparana et al., 2019 ; Kairies-Alvarado et al., 2021 ; Martinez-Soto et al., 2021 ; Raihan, 2023 ). This aligns with the coverage in news media, which highlights the transition toward low carbon energy systems (Topic NM 5), reflecting policy agendas in many countries, including Chile, where the energy sector is the largest contributor to GHG emissions ( Álamos et al., 2022 ; Labarca et al., 2023 ). The transition to a more sustainable energy system in Chile has been promoted through the implementation of renewable energy production and energy efficiency ( Simsek et al., 2019 , 2020 ; Babonneau et al., 2021 ; Osorio-Aravena et al., 2021 ; Ferrada et al., 2022 ). These findings are in line with those of Lyytimäki (2018) , who found that news media created a highly positive narrative of renewable energies as an environmentally friendly solution to GHG emissions.

However, disparities between academic literature and news media coverage are apparent. While both sources recognize the significance of these measures, academic literature provides more comprehensive coverage than news media. Academic literature places significant emphasis on forest carbon management, acknowledging the crucial role of forests in carbon sequestration (Topic A 5), and climate change mitigation. This involves implementing forest conservation, reforestation, and afforestation practices to increase carbon sequestration in forest biomass and soil, thereby reducing GHG emissions Additionally, academic literature extensively addresses agriculture-water management (Topic A 6), emphasizing the importance of sustainable agricultural practices and efficient water resource management in response to changing climate conditions. Relevant mitigation and adaptation strategies for agriculture, such as improving water use efficiency, adopting irrigation technologies, and modifying crop choices, have been identified in academic research ( Novoa et al., 2019 ; Jordán and Speelman, 2020 ; Zúñiga et al., 2021 ). In contrast, news media coverage is more limited in these areas, focusing more narrowly on the transition toward low carbon energy systems (Topic NM 5), and general adaptation efforts and mitigation strategies (Topic NM 13). Despite this, news media plays a vital role in climate change communication by highlighting various actions that can be taken to effectively mitigate and adapt to the impacts of climate change, which can help promote the adoption of sustainable solutions.

4.2.4. Climate change and society

Our analysis reveals an interesting pattern: the theme of “climate change and society” is covered by news media but has been relatively underexplored in academic research. In news media coverage, the theme of society and sustainable development (Topic NM 2) takes center stage, focusing on dimensions such as economy, technology, social, and environment. Additionally, news media pays significant attention to climate action (Topic NM 11), exemplified by movements like “Fridays for Future” and speeches by climate activist Greta Thunberg during international climate conferences such as COP.

This media coverage plays a vital role in highlighting contingent events and showcasing the direct and indirect impacts of climate change on people's daily lives on both local and global scales. However, it is notable that the theme of “climate change and society” lacks adequate representation in the scientific literature.

Understanding the societal implications of climate change is of paramount importance for all stakeholders, including policymakers, civil society organizations, and individuals. The scientific exploration of this topic can provide valuable insights into effective and equitable adaptation and mitigation strategies. Consequently, there is a pressing need to develop further research on this topic, bridging the gap between news media coverage and scientific inquiry. By expanding our understanding of the societal dimensions of climate change in the academic literature, we can better inform evidence-based decision-making, foster collective action, and ultimately contribute to a more sustainable future.

4.2.5. Climate politics

Climate politics is another topic covered by news media underexplored in academic. This theme has included topics such international conferences and commitments (Topic NM 3), IPCC Reports (Topic NM 6) and Chilean climate change framework law (Topic NM 10). The Climate Change Framework Law, is a recent important policy instrument for addressing climate change, as it aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate change ( Madariaga Gómez de Cuenca, 2021 ). The IPCC report, on the other hand, is a crucial scientific report that provides a comprehensive assessment of the state of knowledge on climate change, its causes, impacts, and future risks ( Pörtner et al., 2019 ). IPCC report coverage in the news media is vital for the understanding of climate change in Chile and worldwide, as they inform the public about the latest developments in climate policy and the scientific understanding of climate change. The coverage of these topics in the news media is important for society's understanding of climate change, both in Chile and worldwide, as it highlights the importance of political will and action in tackling climate change at local, national, and global levels. The relatively low coverage of these themes in academic research, however, suggests the need for more interdisciplinary research on the social and political dimensions of climate change.

4.3. Analyzing news media and academic research

Our study focused on assessing the alignment between climate change coverage in news media and academic research in Chile, revealing significant gaps in the framing of climate change between these two domains. Academic research and media coverage of climate change often focus on different aspects and utilize distinct methodologies. Academic sources offer rigorous scientific investigations, providing in-depth analysis and evidence-based insights into the complexities of climate change ( Cook, 2019 ; Farrell et al., 2019 ; Masson-Delmotte et al., 2021 ). In contrast, media sources serve as a bridge between scientific findings and public understanding, shaping public opinion and influencing societal actions ( Boykoff, 2009 ; Drews and Van den Bergh, 2016 ; Boykoff and Luedecke, 2017 ; Stecula and Merkley, 2019 ; Merkley, 2020 ; McAllister et al., 2021 ; Okoliko and de Wit, 2023 ). The complementary nature of academic and media sources allows for a more comprehensive communication and understanding of climate change ( Goldstein et al., 2020 ; Lewandowsky, 2021 ). Through analyzing both academic and media sources, discrepancies and gaps in climate change coverage can be identified, uncovering biases and insufficient attention to certain aspects. This analysis significantly enhances public understanding by facilitating the development of targeted communication strategies that bridge these gaps, ultimately promoting informed public debates and driving effective actions. However, it is crucial to recognize that the level of media influence on public opinion depends on the level of audience engagement with climate change discourse ( Wonneberger et al., 2020 ). Consequently, aligning academic and media coverage becomes even more essential as it enables a more accurate and balanced portrayal of climate change, thereby facilitating the implementation of necessary policies and practices to address this pressing global concern. Our findings have important implications for future research and climate communication in Chile, suggesting the need for increased attention to the challenging dimensions of climate change, such as the social dynamics and political factors associated with this global issue.

4.4. Limitations

This study has several limitations that should be taken into account when interpreting the findings. Firstly, the academic corpus only included articles published in English, while the news media corpus only included articles published in Spanish. As a result, topics' keywords had to be translated into English for comparison between corpora, which could have an effect on the results. Secondly, we selected eight Chilean electronic news media sources with high readership and free accessibility without subscription fees; however, future studies should consider including other paid subscription news media as well. Thirdly, our research does not take into account other mass media platforms that can provide information about climate change ( Tandoc and Eng, 2017 ; Becken et al., 2022 ). Future research could explore this topic further. Lastly, this study analyzed two corpora inherently different in terms of their coverage; news media tends to cover climate change from an international perspective, while academia focuses on a more local or regional level. These limitations do not diminish the significance of our findings. Our study highlights the need for better communication and dissemination of scientific findings to the general public. The findings of this study are not only relevant to Chile but also have global implications in addressing the pressing issue of climate change. It is crucial to bridge the gap between academic research and news media coverage to promote effective solutions for tackling this issue.

5. Conclusion

Through the application of text-mining, web-scraping methods, and topic-modeling techniques to an academic and news media corpus, this study has yielded valuable insights into the similarities, discrepancies, and gaps in the coverage of climate change in Chilean academic and general-interest publications. By identifying and analyzing these patterns, our research contributes to a deeper understanding of climate change coverage in Chile, providing relevant evidence that bridges the communication gap between scientific research and mainstream discourse. The integration of academic and media sources in this study has revealed their complementary nature, facilitating a more comprehensive communication and understanding of climate change. This interdisciplinary approach expands our perspective, allowing us to appreciate the multifaceted aspects associated with climate change more holistically. This study underscores the importance of considering both academic and media sources when addressing climate change. By combining the rigorous analysis of scientific research with the broader reach of media coverage, it's possible to promote a more informed and engaged public discourse on climate change.

Data availability statement

The original contributions presented in the study are included in the article/ Supplementary material , further inquiries can be directed to the corresponding author.

Author contributions

PC and RQ contributed to conception and design of the study. PC organized the database, retrieved the information, performed the analysis, and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors contributed to manuscript revision, read, and approved the submitted version.

Acknowledgments

We thank to Dr. Christos Joannides, Fredy Núñez, and Manuel Valenzuela for their feedback on previous versions of this manuscript.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher's note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Supplementary material

The Supplementary Material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fcomm.2023.1226432/full#supplementary-material

Supplementary Table 1. Academic and news media corpora analyzed in this study.

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Keywords: climate change, academic research, news media, LDA topic modeling, text-mining, web-scrapping, Chile

Citation: Cortés PA and Quiroga R (2023) How academic research and news media cover climate change: a case study from Chile. Front. Commun. 8:1226432. doi: 10.3389/fcomm.2023.1226432

Received: 21 May 2023; Accepted: 31 July 2023; Published: 17 August 2023.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2023 Cortés and Quiroga. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Pablo A. Cortés, pablocortesgarcia@gmail.com

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Climate change - case studies

These bite-size reports set out investors’ practical experiences with aligning their investment processes, portfolios and business models to the reality of climate change – ranging from asset owners’ whole-of-portfolio approaches to green bonds and low-carbon indexes..

PRI_Net_Zero_In_Practice_Thumbnail

Net zero in practice: Insights from equity investors

2023-11-20T08:00:00+00:00

This report shares insights from the first comprehensive set of case studies around how to implement net-zero commitments in listed equity portfolios.

PRI_Net Zero_Case_studies_VFMC

VFMC: Portfolio alignment with net zero

2023-06-01T15:43:00+01:00

Zeroing in on Scope 3 emissions to advance net-zero ambition

Net Zero_Case_studies_Robeco

Robeco: Re-baselining for a net-zero commitment

2023-05-09T14:56:00+01:00

Striving to accurately track progress by controlling for changes in financial metrics.

Net Zero_Case_studies_Eurizon

Eurizon Capital: Addressing emissions in the cement sector

2023-04-19T12:58:00+01:00

Assessing net-zero alignment

Net Zero_Case_studies_Invesco

Invesco: A systematic approach to a net-zero portfolio

2023-03-27T10:03:00+01:00

A two-step process to delivering on climate and financial targets.

Net Zero_Case_studies_LaFrancaise

La Française Asset Management: Measuring temperature alignment

2023-03-16T09:03:00+00:00

Aggregating holdings into a portfolio-level temperature rating

Net Zero_Case_studies_Trillium

Trillium: Setting a portfolio-coverage target

2023-02-14T13:19:00+00:00

Leveraging the simplicity of science-based targets.

Net Zero_Case_studies_DanicaPension

Danica: Reaching net zero through sectoral target setting

2023-02-14T13:03:00+00:00

Setting an ambitious target in the utilities sector.

Infrastructure_Case_studies_Infranity

Infranity: Assessing climate performance to build sustainable infrastructure portfolios

2023-01-20T10:06:00+00:00

Using a target-setting methodology to reduce portfolio and asset emission intensity

Investment Practices_Case Study_Hero_Itau

Itaú AM: Integrating climate scenarios into investments

2023-01-16T08:32:00+00:00

Considering climate risks and opportunities in the investment process

Investment Practices_Case Study_Hero_Abeille

Abeille Assurances: Aligning the portfolio to a net-zero trajectory

2023-01-10T15:57:00+00:00

Moving beyond risk to seize climate-transition opportunities

Net Zero_Case_studies_Mirabaud

Mirabaud Asset Management: Reaching net zero through engagement

2022-12-08T09:00:00+00:00

Mirabaud believes the optimal asset allocation strategy to support the energy transition is to invest in energy-intensive companies that demonstrate a willingness to shift their business models and develop alternative energies

Net Zero_Case_studies_RBC GAM

RBC Global Asset Management: Measuring portfolio net-zero alignment

Suite of climate metrics used to gauge weighted average carbon intensity of portfolios

Net Zero_Case_studies_ClearBridge

ClearBridge Investments: Verifying net-zero alignment

Investment universe shaped by net-zero alignment assessments

Net Zero_Case_studies_Allianz

Allianz: Decarbonisation strategy for listed equity

Differentiated approach addresses the range of strategies used within a core-satellite structure.

China Stewardship_Case_studies_Hermes

EOS at Federated Hermes: promoting human capital management through engagement

2022-05-25T01:00:00+01:00

Case study by EOS at Federated Hermes

China Stewardship_Case_studies_Harvest Fund

Harvest Fund Management: Exercising stewardship to drive transitions towards carbon neutrality

Case study by Harvest Fund Management

China Stewardship_Case_studies_China AMC

ChinaAMC: Improving ESG performance via engagement

Case study by ChinaAMC

Venture Capital_Case_studies_Vista

Vista Equity Partners: partnering with portfolio companies to measure emissions and set targets

2022-05-13T07:00:00+01:00

Vista Equity Partners is working with portfolio companies to measure, report, reduce and offset greenhouse gas emissions. 

Venture Capital_Case_studies_Cycle Capital

Cycle Capital: Implementing a greenhouse gas emissions measurement strategy

2022-04-13T06:00:00+01:00

Cycle Capital describes its process for assessing and quantifying the impact that it and its investees can have on climate change.

Investment Practices_Case Studay_Hero_Schroders

Schroders: Quantifying social and environmental impact

2022-02-18T07:56:00+00:00

Case study by Schroders

Investment Practices_Case Studay_Hero_Tabula

Tabula Investment Management: Launching a Paris-aligned bond ETF

2021-12-03T12:00:00+00:00

Case study by Tabula Investment Management

Investment Practices_Case Studay_Hero_Robeco

Robeco: Launching a Paris-aligned fixed income strategy

2021-12-03T11:59:00+00:00

Case study by Robeco

Investment Practices_Case Studay_Hero_Neuberger

Neuberger Berman: Developing a net zero multi-asset class portfolio solution

2021-12-03T11:58:00+00:00

Case study by Neuberger Berman

Investment Practices_Case Studay_Hero_Cushon

Cushon: Engaging with pension savers on net-zero investing

2021-12-03T11:57:00+00:00

Case study by Cushon

Investment Practices_Case Studay_Hero_AP2

Andra AP-fonden (AP2): Aligning the portfolio with the EU Paris-aligned Benchmark

2021-12-03T11:46:00+00:00

Case study by Andra AP-fonden (AP2)

Investment Practices_Case Studay_Hero_Amundi

Amundi: Facilitating a just transition for climate

2021-12-03T11:42:00+00:00

Case study by Amundi

PRI Awards 2021

UniSuper’s Sustainable Path to 2050

2021-11-02T15:40:00+00:00

Case study by UniSuper

PRI Awards 2021

2021-11-02T15:34:00+00:00

Case study by KEHATI Foundation

PRI Awards 2021

Satellite-based engagement towards no deforestation

2021-11-02T13:44:00+00:00

Case study by ACTIAM

PRI Awards 2021

Collaborative engagement against the construction of Vung Ang 2 coal-fired power plant

2021-11-02T13:38:00+00:00

Case study by Nordea Asset Management

PRI Awards 2021

Coalition for Climate Resilient Investment

2021-11-02T13:36:00+00:00

Case study by Willis Towers Watson

PRI Awards 2021

Prime climate risk ratings

2021-11-02T13:33:00+00:00

Case study by Insight Investment

PRI Awards 2021

Incorporating Remote Sensing Data to ESG and Alternative Risk Monitoring

2021-11-02T13:30:00+00:00

Case study by MioTech

PRI Awards 2021

Climate & Nature Sovereign Index: WWF & Ninety One

2021-11-02T13:26:00+00:00

Case study by WWF & Ninety One

A climate risk framework for farmland investments_Hero

A climate risk framework for farmland investments

2021-11-02T11:18:00+00:00

Case study by Nuveen

PRI Awards 2021

“Preserve, Strengthen, Rebuild” COVID-19 Response

2021-11-02T09:02:00+00:00

Case study by CDC Group

PRI Awards 2021

Sustainalytics - 10 for 2021 - Investing in the Circular Food Economy

2021-11-02T08:45:00+00:00

Case study by Sustainalytics

SAM_Case_studies_Brunel

Applying responsible investment principles to multi-asset credit manager selection

2021-06-23T10:24:00+01:00

Organisation name: Brunel Pension Partnership

SAM_Case_studies_CARDANO

Engaging external managers on sustainable investment

2021-06-23T10:22:00+01:00

Organisation name: Cardano

Awards2020_hero

ESG Research Platform

2020-11-01T06:00:00+00:00

Case study by Resultante Consultoria

Awards2020_hero

Agile & comprehensive ESG management system

Case study by Abris Capital Partners

Awards2020_hero

The journey to net zero

Case study by M&G Investments

Awards2020_hero

The AXA Impact Fund: climate & biodiversity - making a difference

Case study by AXA Investment Managers

Awards2020_hero

AfricaGrow: a fund of funds for financing African SMEs and start-ups

Case study by Allianz Global Investors

Awards2020_hero

Green for Growth Fund

Case study by Finance in Motion

Awards2020_hero

Analysis of the impact of an investment portfolio on society and on SDGs

Case study by VidaCaixa

Awards2020_hero

The Coller FAIRR Climate Risk Tool

Case study by FAIRR Initiative

Awards2020_hero

2020 ESG Trends project: what are the big challenges for the new decade?

Case study by MSCI

Awards2020_hero

FTSE developed TPI climate transition index – aligning a global equity portfolio with the climate transition

Case study by FTSE Russell, Church of England Pensions Board & Transition Pathway Initiative

SAA_Case_studies_hero_MorganStanley

Layering climate goals onto a sustainable, risk-targeted, multi-asset strategy

2020-10-16T08:06:00+01:00

Case study by Morgan Stanley Investment Management

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_ResponsAbility

EU taxonomy alignment case study: responsAbility

2020-09-25T07:34:00+01:00

Case study by responsAbility Investments AG

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_ESG Portfolio Management

EU taxonomy alignment case study: ESG Portfolio Management

2020-09-09T18:20:00+01:00

ESG Portfolio Management’s mission is to advise a diversified set of investment funds and mandates, including on ESG factors, SDG impacts and climate risk.

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_Carmignac

EU taxonomy alignment case study: Carmignac

2020-09-09T18:19:00+01:00

Carmignac launched a fund in May 2020 to support solutions for climate mitigation while actively engaging with companies to transition their business models and operations to a lower carbon paradigm.

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_LaFrancaise

EU taxonomy alignment case study: La Française

2020-09-09T18:17:00+01:00

La Française has been involved in responsible investment for more than a decade and our Carbon Impact product series has been a key element of our ESG investment strategy.

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_NB

EU taxonomy alignment case study: Neuberger Berman

Neuberger Berman believes the implementation of the taxonomy can help shift global capital flows towards more sustainable economic activities and help prevent the worst consequences of climate change.

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_Wells Fargo

EU taxonomy alignment case study: Wells Fargo Asset Management

2020-09-09T18:14:00+01:00

The EU Taxonomy offers some key benefits for users, including guidance on activities to prioritize for decarbonization, climate change adaptation and other environmental goals.

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_impax

EU taxonomy alignment case study: Impax Asset Management

2020-09-09T18:07:00+01:00

Impax is a specialist asset manager focused on investing in opportunities arising from the transition to a sustainable economy.

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_AxA

EU taxonomy alignment case study: AXA Investment Managers

2020-09-09T18:02:00+01:00

AXA IM has established a definition of green investing for both investment and reporting purposes, using a grid organised around four green categories.

EU_Taxonomy_Case_studies_hero_Morgan Stanley

EU taxonomy alignment case study: Morgan Stanley Investment Management

2020-09-09T13:00:00+01:00

As the number of signatories to the Principles for Responsible Investment (PRI) rises, and ESG-integrated assets under management (AUM) across the world reach over $30 trillion, carbon emissions and global temperatures also continue to rise.

SAA_Case_studies_hero_BCI

Using climate change scenarios in asset liability modelling

2020-08-13T10:24:00+01:00

Case study by BCI

SAA_Case_studies_hero_AXA

Aligning strategic asset allocation to a +1.5°C world: a proposed framework

2020-08-13T10:23:00+01:00

Case study by AXA Investment Managers

SAA_Case_studies_hero_Scott Trust

A total portfolio approach to climate alignment, ESG integration and real-world impact

2020-08-13T10:21:00+01:00

Case study by The Scott Trust Limited (Guardian Media Group)

SAA_Case_studies_hero_ASR

Climate change: optimal choices in strategic asset allocation are a must

2020-08-13T09:05:00+01:00

Case study by ASR Nederland / ASR Asset Management (a.s.r.)

SDGs_Case_studies_Caisse-des-depots-groupe

Caisse des Depots Groupe: Climate

2020-08-03T06:45:00+01:00

SDG outcomes case study

SDGs_Case_studies_infrastructure_STOA

STOA SDG case study

2020-07-27T07:13:00+01:00

Signatory type: Private equity investor / Asset ownerOperating region: Developing countriesAssets under management: €180 millionSDG targets: SDGs 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 & 13Practice area: Engagement for impact

forest

Bringing forest projects to the carbon markets

2020-06-18T13:37:00+01:00

Case study by Campbell Global

SDG-PassivePaper-Banner-UBS

Integrating climate change in passive investments: A developed markets equity strategy

2020-03-17T12:21:00+00:00

Case study by UBS Asset Management

SDG-PassivePaper-Banner-FTSE-Russell

Incorporating climate considerations into a multi-factor equity index

2020-03-11T11:31:00+00:00

Case study by FTSE Russell

Awards2020_hero

PRI Awards 2019 case study: Coller FAIRR Protein Producer Index

2019-09-10T08:53:00+01:00

Company: FAIRR

Awards2020_hero

PRI Awards 2019 case study: Impact-Cubed White Paper

Company: Auriel Investors

Awards2020_hero

PRI Awards 2019 case study: Australian Infrastructure Carbon Emissions Reduction and Energy Efficiency Initiative

2019-09-10T08:52:00+01:00

Company: IFM Investors

Shareholders-rights

Case study: Rio Tinto shareholder resolution 2018 - LGIM's perspective

2018-05-30T16:44:00+01:00

Case study by Legal & General Investment Management

Lobbying

Case study: seeking clarity on third-party lobbying practices

2018-05-30T16:37:00+01:00

Case study by LGS

Climate lobbying

Case study: focusing on the climate lobbying practices of Swedish companies

2018-05-30T16:30:00+01:00

Case study by Öhman

Carbon crisis 615 copy small

Case study: understanding lobbying practices as part of carbon risk management

2018-05-30T16:26:00+01:00

Case study by GES International

Climate_TCFD_hero_blog

Case study: Putting the spotlight on corporate climate lobbying

2018-05-30T16:18:00+01:00

Case study by AP7

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Case study: Are the world's largest banks stepping up to the risks and opportunities of climate change?

2018-05-30T16:08:00+01:00

Case study by Boston Common Asset Management

Climate lobbying

Climate lobbying case study: ExxonMobil - perspective from Walden Asset Management

2018-05-30T15:07:00+01:00

Case study by Walden Asset Management

Human rights and the extractive industry cover

Case study: Shareholder interaction on fracking

2017-01-01T13:05:00+00:00

Human rights and the extractive industry cover

Case study: Fracking practices at oil and gas companies

2017-01-01T11:25:00+00:00

As part of the PRI Fracking Engagement, a group of PRI investor signatories – led by Martin Currie, a UK-based investment manager – engaged with an Asian oil and gas company.

A practical guide to ESG integration for equity investing

Weighting vs exclusion in low-carbon indexes

2016-09-05T00:00:00+01:00

Blurred road and car speed motion background 163423553 copy

Valuing the impact of increasingly stringent environmental regulation

Case study by Standard Life Investments

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UN Global Compact companies on COP progress

2013-09-01T16:28:00+01:00

Low carbon transition

The Carbon Disclosure Project

2013-09-01T15:37:00+01:00

Pension System main_hero

Working with partners for green investment innovation

2012-06-01T00:00:00+01:00

Case study by PKA

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Erratic weather fueled by climate change will worsen locust outbreaks, study finds

A team of scientists says extreme wind and rain may contribute to bigger and worse desert locust outbreaks

Extreme wind and rain may lead to bigger and worse desert locust outbreaks, with human-caused climate change likely to intensify the weather patterns and cause higher outbreak risks, a new study has found.

The desert locust — a short-horned species found in some dry areas of northern and eastern Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia — is a migratory insect that travels in swarms of millions over long distances and damages crops, causing famine and food insecurity. A square kilometer swarm comprises 80 million locusts that can in one day consume food crops enough to feed 35,000 people. The U.N.’s Food and Agriculture Organization describes it as ”the most destructive migratory pest in the world.”

The study, published in Science Advances on Wednesday, said these outbreaks will be “increasingly hard to prevent and control” in a warming climate.

Xiaogang He, author of the study and an assistant professor at the National University of Singapore, said more frequent and severe extreme weather events due to climate change could add unpredictability to locust outbreaks.

But he hoped that the study could help countries understand and address “the impacts of climate variability on locust dynamics, particularly in the context of its repercussions on agricultural productivity and food security” and urged better regional and continental cooperation among countries and control organizations to respond quickly and build early warning systems.

To assess the risk of locust outbreaks in Africa and the Middle East and the connection to climate change, scientists analyzed incidents of desert locust outbreaks from 1985 to 2020 using the Food and Agriculture Organization’s Locust Hub data tool. They created and used a data-driven framework to examine the insects' patterns to find out what may cause outbreaks to happen across long distances.

They found that 10 countries, including Kenya, Morocco, Niger, Yemen, and Pakistan, experienced the majority of locust outbreaks among 48 affected nations.

The worst outbreak of desert locusts in 25 years struck East Africa in 2019 and 2020, when the insects ravaged hundreds of thousands of acres of farmland and damaged crops, trees and other vegetation, impacting food security and livelihoods.

Elfatih Abdel-Rahman, a scientist at International Centre of Insect Physiology and Ecology who wasn’t part of the study, said widespread desert locust outbreaks due to climate change will substantially threaten livelihoods in the affected regions due to reduced food production and increase in food prices.

The researchers also found a strong link between the magnitude of desert locust outbreaks and weather and land conditions like air temperature, precipitation, soil moisture, and wind. Desert locusts are more likely to infest arid areas that receive sudden extreme rainfall, and the number of the insects in an outbreak is strongly impacted by weather conditions.

El Nino, a recurring and natural climate phenomenon that affects weather worldwide, was also strongly tied to bigger and worse desert locust outbreaks.

University of Delaware entomology professor Douglas Tallamy, who wasn't part of the research, said erratic weather and rainfall trigger spurts in vegetation and therefore fuels enormous population growth in locusts.

“As such variability increases, it is logical to predict that locust outbreaks will increase as well,” said Tallamy.

The study is “yet another example of what should be a very strong wake-up call that societies across the globe need to come together to reduce climate change and its impacts but also to implement strategies in response to global events such as increasing threats of desert locusts,” said Paula Shrewsbury, an entomology professor at the University of Maryland. Shrewsbury was not involved in the study.

The study found that especially vulnerable locations like Morocco and Kenya remain high-risk but locust habitats had expanded since 1985 and projects that they will continue growing by at least 5% by the end of the 21st century, predictably to west India and west central Asia.

It gives the example of the Rub’ al Khali, or Empty Quarter, a desert in the southern Arabian Peninsula, as a place that was historically uncommon for desert locust outbreaks but then became a hotspot. The desert experienced locust outbreaks in 2019 after uncontrolled breeding following cyclones, which filled the desert with freshwater lakes.

Major locust outbreaks can have huge financial impacts. It cost more than $450 million to respond to a locust outbreak that happened in West Africa from 2003 to 2005, according to the World Bank. The outbreak had caused an estimated $2.5 billion in crop damage, it said.

Countries affected by desert locust outbreaks are already grappling with climate-driven extremes like droughts, floods and heat waves, and the potential escalation of locust risks in these regions could exacerbate existing challenges, said research author Xiaogang.

“Failure to address these risks could further strain food production systems and escalate the severity of global food insecurity,” he said.

The Associated Press’ climate and environmental coverage receives financial support from multiple private foundations. AP is solely responsible for all content. Find AP’s standards for working with philanthropies, a list of supporters and funded coverage areas at AP.org.

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The Amazon has survived changes in the climate for 65 million years. Now it’s heading for collapse, a study says

T he Amazon rainforest is on course to reach a crucial tipping point as soon as 2050, with devastating consequences for the region and the world’s ability to tackle climate change, according to a study published Wednesday.

The Amazon has proven resilient to natural changes in the climate for 65 million years, but deforestation and the human-caused climate crisis has brought new levels of stress and could cause a large-scale collapse of the forest system within the next three decades, the study said.

The researchers predict that 10% to 47% of the Amazon will be exposed to stresses that could push the ecosystem to its tipping point, a critical threshold that once crossed will lead to a downward spiral of impacts.

The study, led by researchers at the Federal University of Santa Catarina in Brazil and published in the journal Nature, takes a holistic approach to estimating how soon the Amazon could reach that threshold.

The study’s authors looked at the impact of warming temperatures, extreme droughts, deforestation and fires to draw their conclusions.

“We already knew about all these factors at play, but once we connected the pieces of this complex puzzle, the image was alarming,” Bernardo Flores, lead author of the study, told CNN. “Our findings revealed how the Amazon forest system could enter a phase of self-reinforced collapse sooner than previously thought.”

Previous studies had not predicted a collapse of this scale could happen in the 21st century.

A collapse of the Amazon, the world’s vastest tropical rainforest, would weaken its ability to absorb planet-warming carbon pollution from the atmosphere, which would exacerbate global warming. Once known as the lungs of the planet, the Amazon has already become a net emitter of carbon emissions, meaning it releases more carbon into the atmosphere now than it absorbs. Forest fires and logging are the main reasons for that change.

But the forest is still a huge, crucial carbon sink. It holds the equivalent of 15 to 20 years of the entire world’s global carbon stores.

A loss of ‘flying rivers’

The study also shows how a deteriorating Amazon could impact forests in other parts of South America.

The Amazon is crucial for water supply across the region, the study said, contributing as much as half of its rainfall through what the authors call “flying rivers” – rain that originates over the Amazon and spreads to other parts of the region. That means other forests and ecosystems that rely on rain are able to thrive. Those places include the Pantanal wetlands — the world’s largest tropical wetlands that cross Brazil, Bolivia and Paraguay — and the La Plata River basin, a biodiverse and crucial water system that drains one-fifth of South American land.

The Amazon provides moisture beyond the region, too.

“The Amazon forest is a major pump of moisture into the atmosphere, contributing to circulation processes that transfer moisture across the globe,” Flores said. “When the forest is reduced, this weakens this process, causing the global climate to find a new equilibrium.”

The authors of the study noted that water stress was a common factor in the disturbances to the Amazon. Water stress occurs when there is not enough water to meet human or ecological needs .

Global warming is intensifying the effects of water stress by causing the Amazonian climate to become drier and warmer. This increases water stress on trees, particularly those with low drought resistance in northwest parts of the forest, which “could suffer massive mortality if suddenly exposed to severe water stress,” according to the study.

Reaching its tipping point could also make parts of the Amazon uninhabitable due to unbearable heat and a lack of resources for indigenous peoples and local communities, the study shows.

“A war of attrition on the Amazon rainforest is being waged through human-caused climate change and deforestation, which is sending this irreplaceable jewel of the planet to the brink,” said Richard Allan, a professor in Climate Science at the University of Reading, who was not involved in the study. “These critical effects … are compounded by continued destruction of forest for agriculture, settlement, and industry.”

The study recommends ending deforestation, promoting forest restoration, and expanding protected areas and Indigenous territories. Flores also stressed the need for global cooperation to cut greenhouse gas emissions and emphasized the importance of Amazonian countries cooperating to promote forest restoration.

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View of a deforested and burning area of the Amazon rainforest in the region of Labrea, state of Amazonas, northern Brazil, on September 2, 2022. - Douglas Magno/AFP/Getty Images

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The Changing Focus of Climate Denial: From Science to Scientists

The scientist Michael Mann is challenging attacks on his work in a defamation suit that’s taken 12 years to come to trial.

Michael Mann at a documentary screening in 2016. Credit... Slaven Vlasic/Getty Images

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Delger Erdenesanaa

By Delger Erdenesanaa

  • Published Feb. 6, 2024 Updated Feb. 8, 2024

[[Update: The jury returned a verdict on Thursday , finding both Mr. Simberg and Mr. Steyn guilty of defaming Dr. Mann with multiple false statements.]]

One July morning in 2012, climate scientist Michael Mann woke up to a terse email from a fellow scientist.

“Holy crap,” read the message, from Phil Plait, an astronomer and science communicator. “This is truly the most awful thing I’ve ever seen said about a climate scientist. If someone wrote this about me, I’d be calling a lawyer.”

A conservative media outlet and a right-leaning research organization had published commentaries comparing Dr. Mann, then a professor at the Pennsylvania State University, with Jerry Sandusky, the onetime Penn State football coach convicted of sexually assaulting multiple children. The writers claimed that Dr. Mann had created fraudulent graphs, and accused the university of mishandling investigations into both the coach’s crimes and the scientist’s research.

Dr. Mann did indeed call a lawyer. He sued the writers and their publishers for libel and slander. Now, 12 years later — after a pinball journey through the obstacle course of free speech and defamation law — the case is being tried in District of Columbia Superior Court. Only the two writers as individuals are on trial. A verdict is expected as soon as Wednesday.

“For me to be compared to Jerry Sandusky, as the father of a 6-year-old girl, was maybe the worst thing that I’ve ever experienced,” Dr. Mann testified in court on Jan. 24. “I felt like a pariah in my own community.”

The court case has played out over a time period when outright denial of climate science has decreased, but scientists’ integrity has become a bigger target.

“The nature of climate denial has changed,” said Callum Hood, head of research at the advocacy organization the Center for Countering Digital Hate. The group recently published a report analyzing YouTube videos , which found that personal attacks on scientists are now one of the most common types of online content dismissing climate change.

The lawsuit has caught the attention of climate scientists and legal scholars, among others. This trial marks one of very few instances in American courts that a climate scientist has taken the stand to defend their research, according to Michael Gerrard, the faculty director at Columbia University’s Sabin Center for Climate Change Law.

“It’s a rare case where a climate scientist is fighting back against climate deniers,” said Mr. Gerrard, who also is a member of the board of directors for the Climate Science Legal Defense Fund, which previously helped Dr. Mann with a different legal battle.

Because Dr. Mann is legally considered a public figure, he must clear a higher bar than most people would in order to win a defamation lawsuit. He faces the difficult task of proving the authors he sued knowingly lied in their writings. The authors have argued that their posts merely state opinions. Their publishers have also petitioned the Supreme Court, unsuccessfully, to review the case.

Katharine Hayhoe, the chief scientist at The Nature Conservancy and a professor at Texas Tech University, said that Dr. Mann’s case resonates among other climate scientists. “I cannot go one day without being attacked,” she said. “He’s fighting for all of us.”

In court, Dr. Mann is defending his most famous research, which was published in the late 1990s and showed average temperatures in the Northern Hemisphere rising so sharply in recent decades that the graphs resembled the shape of a hockey stick .

The research came under fire in 2009 in an incident known as “Climategate,” when hackers broke into a computer server at the Climatic Research Unit at the University of East Anglia and released thousands of emails between scientists, including Dr. Mann. Skeptics seized on the emails to claim he had manipulated data to exaggerate the hockey-stick graph.

Penn State investigated his research, as did the National Science Foundation, the Department of Commerce and others. All cleared Dr. Mann of misconduct. Both before and after the outcry, other scientists have replicated his findings using different data sources and statistical methods.

The matter seemed settled until 2012, when Mr. Sandusky was convicted and the former director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation published a report that said the administration at Penn State had failed to stop the coach’s criminal actions.

The day after that report’s release, Rand Simberg, at the time an adjunct scholar at Competitive Enterprise Institute, published a blog post on the think tank’s website comparing Dr. Mann to Mr. Sandusky. “Mann could be said to be the Jerry Sandusky of climate science, except that instead of molesting children, he has molested and tortured data in the service of politicized science that could have dire economic consequences,” Mr. Simberg wrote.

A few days later, Mark Steyn, an author and then guest host of conservative radio and television shows, republished part of Mr. Simberg’s post on National Review online . “Michael Mann was the man behind the fraudulent climate-change ‘hockey-stick’ graph, the very ringmaster of the tree-ring circus,” Mr. Steyn added in his own commentary.

In short order, Dr. Mann filed his lawsuit.

A person speaking into a megaphone at the front of a large crowd of people carrying banners, flags and signs that say "Fight for Our Future" and "The Climate Crisis is Here."

The scientific consensus on climate change has been clear for 20 years now. A 2004 paper that reviewed more than 900 scientific studies about climate change didn’t find any that rejected the idea that human activity is producing greenhouse gases that are warming the planet.

But public acceptance of that fact has fluctuated.

In 2008, 71 percent of Americans acknowledged that climate change was happening, according to a long-running biannual survey conducted by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication and George Mason University. But between 2008 and 2010 — the years before and after Climategate — the portion of Americans accepting climate change fell to 57 percent .

It has since rebounded. A 2023 survey by Yale and George Mason found 72 percent of Americans accepted that climate change is happening.

In recent years, research on climate skepticism, denial and campaigns to delay climate action has also advanced. In 2021, an international group of researchers trained a machine-learning model to sort climate-related claims in 255,000 documents scoured from conservative think-tank websites and popular blogs published over the past 20 years. Included in this data set was Mr. Simberg’s post about Dr. Mann.

The study, published in the journal Scientific Reports , sorted the claims into five broad categories: global warming is not happening; human greenhouse gases are not causing global warming; climate impacts are not bad; climate solutions won’t work; and the climate movement/science is unreliable.

The model labeled the claims in Mr. Simberg’s blog post under the “climate movement/science is unreliable” category, according to an analysis provided by Travis Coan, a computational social scientist at the University of Exeter and an author of the study.

Within this category, scientists are even bigger targets than activists or politicians, said coauthor John Cook, a psychology researcher at the University of Melbourne. Attacks on scientists are “actually one of the most prevalent forms of climate misinformation,” he said.

Claims that “climate solutions don’t work” have also been gaining prominence and now make up more than half of the assertions coming from conservative research organizations, according to his group’s research.

No matter the form, all of these claims share the goal of delaying climate action, Dr. Cook said. “They try to get there through different pathways.”

Building on the 2021 study, the recent report from the Center for Countering Digital Hate used the same methods to analyze 12,000 YouTube videos posted over the past six years. The researchers found that what they call “old denial” — claims that global warming isn’t happening or isn’t caused by humans — now makes up only 30 percent of all dismissive claims, down from 65 percent in 2018. “New denial,” which includes attacks on scientists as well as misinformation about solutions, now makes up 70 percent of these claims, up from 35 percent in 2018.

A spokesman for Competitive Enterprise Institute declined to comment on the trial. Mr. Simberg’s attorney, Mark DeLaquil, said, “We don’t think that this case is really about climate science. We believe it’s about the right of individuals to express their opinions freely, even where they disagree with government reports of the type Dr. Mann claims exonerate him.” An attorney assisting Mr. Steyn, who is representing himself in court, also declined to comment for this article. When asked for a comment, National Review’s editor in chief Rich Lowry pointed to an editorial published at the start of the trial in January.

No matter the outcome, legal experts say this lawsuit is significant not just for climate science, but also for defamation and free-speech law.

“The case sits at the intersection of some of our hardest questions,” said RonNell Andersen Jones, a law professor at the University of Utah. The courts must balance people’s rights to express their opinions freely, while preventing lies that damage people’s reputations, she said.

If Dr. Mann wins, his case would show that “there really is some teeth to defamation law,” said Sonja West, a law professor at the University of Georgia. If he loses, the case could “feed into this greater debate on how very strong our First Amendment rights are.”

Delger Erdenesanaa is a reporter covering climate and the environment and a member of the 2023-24 Times Fellowship class, a program for journalists early in their careers. More about Delger Erdenesanaa

Learn More About Climate Change

Have questions about climate change? Our F.A.Q. will tackle your climate questions, big and small .

New satellite-based research reveals how land along the East Coast is slumping into the ocean, compounding the danger from global sea level rise . A major culprit: overpumping of groundwater.

The planet needs solar power. Can we build it without harming nature ? Today’s decisions about how and where to set up new energy projects will reverberate for generations.

Carbon-free electricity has never been more plentiful, but it hasn’t yet been enough to reduce reliance on fossil fuels. We looked at how electricity generation has changed over time to help you understand today’s global picture .

Singapore is rethinking its sweltering urban areas to dampen the effects of climate change. Can it be a model for other cities ?

New data reveals stark disparities in how different U.S. households contribute to climate change. See your neighborhood’s climate impact .

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Controversial climate change study claims we'll breach 2 C before 2030

If the new study is correct, global warming is at least a decade further ahead than we thought. But other scientists say it is filled with errors and inconsistencies.

underwater photo from the Caribbean sea showing a coral reef with a school of fish above it

A new study has claimed that we may breach the 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 degrees Fahrenheit) climate change increase threshold by the late 2020s — almost two decades earlier than current projections. 

The study, published Feb. 5 in the journal Nature Climate Change , claims global surface temperatures had increased by 1.7 C (3 F) above pre-industrial averages by the year 2020. 

However, other scientists have questioned the findings, saying that there are flaws in the work.

Global warming of 2 C is considered an important threshold — warming beyond this greatly increases the likelihood of devastating and irreversible climate breakdown. Under the 2015 Paris Agreement, nearly 200 countries pledged to limit global temperature rises to ideally 1.5C and safely below 2C.

"The big picture is that the global warming clock for emissions reductions to minimize the risk of dangerous climate change has been brought forward by at least a decade," lead author Malcolm McCulloch , a coral reef expert at The University of Western Australia, said at a news conference on Thursday (Feb. 1). "This is a major change to the thinking about global warming."

A huge issue in climate science is where to set the pre-industrial baseline, before fossil fuel burning kickstarted warming. Until the 20th century, ocean temperatures records were a sporadic and non-standardized patchwork of millions of observations collected by sailors to chart courses through seas.

Related: World must act now to defuse 'climate time bomb,' UN scientists warn

To weed out erroneous past recordings, climate scientists have previously turned to natural records of temperature stored in ocean animals such as coral, in ice and sediment cores or inside tree grains.

However, scientists still have no consensus on the amount of post-industrial warming. A recent analysis using the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's (NOAA) 2023 dataset suggested Earth had warmed by 1.34 C (2.4 F) above the 1850 to 1900 average, while data from the U.K. Met Office placed it at 1.54 C (2.7 F).

Sponge for knowledge 

To search for a better record of 19th-century temperatures, the researchers behind the new study looked at a sponge species called Ceratoporella nicholsoni in the Caribbean Sea. Known for their rock-hard exoskeletons, C. nicholsoni can live for more than a thousand years, assiduously adding layers to their limestone shells by drawing strontium and calcium carbonate from seawater.

The ratio of strontium to calcium at a particular part in a sclerosponge's skeleton decreases as ocean waters warm , enabling the scientists to measure 300 years of temperature records in cross-sections of their bodies — similar to reading tree rings.

After collecting and analyzing multiple sponges from depths between 100 to 300 feet (30 to 90 meters), the researchers produced a record of temperatures they say scales with temperatures across the entire planet’s oceans.

Related: Gulf Stream current could collapse in 2025, plunging Earth into climate chaos: 'We were actually bewildered'

Their results suggest that warming began in the 1860s, about four decades earlier than the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) estimates.

By 1990, they found, global temperatures had increased by 0.9 C (1.6 F) compared with before their newly defined pre-industrial era. In comparison, the IPCC estimates 0.4 C (0.7 F) of warming by this time. 

According to the study, if current rates of heating continue, 2 C warming will be reached by the end of the 2020s, with 2.5 C (4.5 F) of warming by 2040. 

Troubled waters

Other climate scientists have criticized the new study's findings. The researchers say they assumed that oceans are well-mixed and that the water temperatures recorded by the sponges came from depths that mainly respond to heating from the sun. 

But others argue that the ocean is still a highly complex engine that is far from uniform in temperature.

"Skepticism is warranted here. In my view it begs credulity to claim that the instrumental record is wrong based on paleosponges from one region of the world," Michael Mann , the director of the Earth System Science Center at the University of Pennsylvania, told Live Science. "It honestly doesn't make any sense to me."

Camille Parmesan , an ecologist at the University of Texas, Austin and a coordinating lead author for the IPCC's 6th Assessment Report , noted that the temperature of one part of the ocean is unlikely to represent ocean temperatures elsewhere. "You cannot extrapolate from the Caribbean to the whole of the world's oceans," Parmesan told Live Science. 

And David Thornalley , a professor of ocean and climate science at University College London, also criticized the researchers' decision to calibrate their sponge data with global sea surface temperatures, rather than the sea surface temperatures for the region the sponges came from. 

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"The study fails to support its global claims with robust evidence, and it fails by a huge margin," Jochem Marotzke , a professor of climate science and the director of the Max Planck Institute for Meteorology in Germany, told Live Science. "The extrapolation from that little piece of ocean to the global is wholly unbelievable." The claim that the Caribbean's temperature increase since the 1860s comes solely from the sun, rather than ocean mixing, also beggars belief, he added.

The researchers, meanwhile, insist that Caribbean sea surface temperatures trends are globally proportional — citing a 2018 paper.

Even if the conclusions of the study are questionable, scientists said the study could still contribute as a piece in the global jigsaw of climatic information, especially as rapid climate change is approaching regardless of the mix of evidence used or where the baseline is set.

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Ben Turner

Ben Turner is a U.K. based staff writer at Live Science. He covers physics and astronomy, among other topics like tech and climate change. He graduated from University College London with a degree in particle physics before training as a journalist. When he's not writing, Ben enjoys reading literature, playing the guitar and embarrassing himself with chess.

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  • Epicenter & 4 more I don't believe the 2º C over pre-industrial times average temperatures limit will be crossed before 2030, I guess it has been already crossed. For its more immediate and more economy devastating consequences, I suggest reading: 'Sea Changes', Science, 2015. About health issues, I won't trust much the WHO, it took several weeks for them to realize COVID is a respiratory disease, and Respiratory Isolation measures, direct and inverse, had to be implemented. Vaccines for a new disease do not come in one day. Blessings + Sea-level rise due to polar ice-sheet mass loss during past warm periods Reply
Epicenter & 4 more said: it took several weeks for them to realize COVID is a respiratory disease,
  • prrawlins CO2 is not a green house gas. Science shows this from the ice core drilling that the earth's temp changed up and then lower at times before CO2 changed . Also the amount of CO2 created by mankind's activitiy is not enought to change the earth's CO2 level to anything accounting for any change: https://intention6.wordpress.com/2023/05/21/carbon/ Reply
  • View All 3 Comments

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