empirical literature review definition

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Module 2 Chapter 3: What is Empirical Literature & Where can it be Found?

In Module 1, you read about the problem of pseudoscience. Here, we revisit the issue in addressing how to locate and assess scientific or empirical literature . In this chapter you will read about:

• distinguishing between what IS and IS NOT empirical literature
• how and where to locate empirical literature for understanding diverse populations, social work problems, and social phenomena.

Probably the most important take-home lesson from this chapter is that one source is not sufficient to being well-informed on a topic. It is important to locate multiple sources of information and to critically appraise the points of convergence and divergence in the information acquired from different sources. This is especially true in emerging and poorly understood topics, as well as in answering complex questions.

What Is Empirical Literature

Social workers often need to locate valid, reliable information concerning the dimensions of a population group or subgroup, a social work problem, or social phenomenon. They might also seek information about the way specific problems or resources are distributed among the populations encountered in professional practice. Or, social workers might be interested in finding out about the way that certain people experience an event or phenomenon. Empirical literature resources may provide answers to many of these types of social work questions. In addition, resources containing data regarding social indicators may also prove helpful. Social indicators are the “facts and figures” statistics that describe the social, economic, and psychological factors that have an impact on the well-being of a community or other population group.The United Nations (UN) and the World Health Organization (WHO) are examples of organizations that monitor social indicators at a global level: dimensions of population trends (size, composition, growth/loss), health status (physical, mental, behavioral, life expectancy, maternal and infant mortality, fertility/child-bearing, and diseases like HIV/AIDS), housing and quality of sanitation (water supply, waste disposal), education and literacy, and work/income/unemployment/economics, for example.

Three characteristics stand out in empirical literature compared to other types of information available on a topic of interest: systematic observation and methodology, objectivity, and transparency/replicability/reproducibility. Let’s look a little more closely at these three features.

Systematic Observation and Methodology. The hallmark of empiricism is “repeated or reinforced observation of the facts or phenomena” (Holosko, 2006, p. 6). In empirical literature, established research methodologies and procedures are systematically applied to answer the questions of interest.

Objectivity. Gathering “facts,” whatever they may be, drives the search for empirical evidence (Holosko, 2006). Authors of empirical literature are expected to report the facts as observed, whether or not these facts support the investigators’ original hypotheses. Research integrity demands that the information be provided in an objective manner, reducing sources of investigator bias to the greatest possible extent.

Transparency and Replicability/Reproducibility.   Empirical literature is reported in such a manner that other investigators understand precisely what was done and what was found in a particular research study—to the extent that they could replicate the study to determine whether the findings are reproduced when repeated. The outcomes of an original and replication study may differ, but a reader could easily interpret the methods and procedures leading to each study’s findings.

What is NOT Empirical Literature

By now, it is probably obvious to you that literature based on “evidence” that is not developed in a systematic, objective, transparent manner is not empirical literature. On one hand, non-empirical types of professional literature may have great significance to social workers. For example, social work scholars may produce articles that are clearly identified as describing a new intervention or program without evaluative evidence, critiquing a policy or practice, or offering a tentative, untested theory about a phenomenon. These resources are useful in educating ourselves about possible issues or concerns. But, even if they are informed by evidence, they are not empirical literature. Here is a list of several sources of information that do not meet the standard of being called empirical literature:

• your course instructor’s lectures
• political statements
• advertisements
• newspapers & magazines (journalism)
• television news reports & analyses (journalism)
• many websites, Facebook postings, Twitter tweets, and blog postings
• the introductory literature review in an empirical article

You may be surprised to see the last two included in this list. Like the other sources of information listed, these sources also might lead you to look for evidence. But, they are not themselves sources of evidence. They may summarize existing evidence, but in the process of summarizing (like your instructor’s lectures), information is transformed, modified, reduced, condensed, and otherwise manipulated in such a manner that you may not see the entire, objective story. These are called secondary sources, as opposed to the original, primary source of evidence. In relying solely on secondary sources, you sacrifice your own critical appraisal and thinking about the original work—you are “buying” someone else’s interpretation and opinion about the original work, rather than developing your own interpretation and opinion. What if they got it wrong? How would you know if you did not examine the primary source for yourself? Consider the following as an example of “getting it wrong” being perpetuated.

Example: Bullying and School Shootings . One result of the heavily publicized April 1999 school shooting incident at Columbine High School (Colorado), was a heavy emphasis placed on bullying as a causal factor in these incidents (Mears, Moon, & Thielo, 2017), “creating a powerful master narrative about school shootings” (Raitanen, Sandberg, & Oksanen, 2017, p. 3). Naturally, with an identified cause, a great deal of effort was devoted to anti-bullying campaigns and interventions for enhancing resilience among youth who experience bullying.  However important these strategies might be for promoting positive mental health, preventing poor mental health, and possibly preventing suicide among school-aged children and youth, it is a mistaken belief that this can prevent school shootings (Mears, Moon, & Thielo, 2017). Many times the accounts of the perpetrators having been bullied come from potentially inaccurate third-party accounts, rather than the perpetrators themselves; bullying was not involved in all instances of school shooting; a perpetrator’s perception of being bullied/persecuted are not necessarily accurate; many who experience severe bullying do not perpetrate these incidents; bullies are the least targeted shooting victims; perpetrators of the shooting incidents were often bullying others; and, bullying is only one of many important factors associated with perpetrating such an incident (Ioannou, Hammond, & Simpson, 2015; Mears, Moon, & Thielo, 2017; Newman &Fox, 2009; Raitanen, Sandberg, & Oksanen, 2017). While mass media reports deliver bullying as a means of explaining the inexplicable, the reality is not so simple: “The connection between bullying and school shootings is elusive” (Langman, 2014), and “the relationship between bullying and school shooting is, at best, tenuous” (Mears, Moon, & Thielo, 2017, p. 940). The point is, when a narrative becomes this publicly accepted, it is difficult to sort out truth and reality without going back to original sources of information and evidence.

What May or May Not Be Empirical Literature: Literature Reviews

Investigators typically engage in a review of existing literature as they develop their own research studies. The review informs them about where knowledge gaps exist, methods previously employed by other scholars, limitations of prior work, and previous scholars’ recommendations for directing future research. These reviews may appear as a published article, without new study data being reported (see Fields, Anderson, & Dabelko-Schoeny, 2014 for example). Or, the literature review may appear in the introduction to their own empirical study report. These literature reviews are not considered to be empirical evidence sources themselves, although they may be based on empirical evidence sources. One reason is that the authors of a literature review may or may not have engaged in a systematic search process, identifying a full, rich, multi-sided pool of evidence reports.

There is, however, a type of review that applies systematic methods and is, therefore, considered to be more strongly rooted in evidence: the systematic review .

Systematic review of literature. A systematic reviewis a type of literature report where established methods have been systematically applied, objectively, in locating and synthesizing a body of literature. The systematic review report is characterized by a great deal of transparency about the methods used and the decisions made in the review process, and are replicable. Thus, it meets the criteria for empirical literature: systematic observation and methodology, objectivity, and transparency/reproducibility. We will work a great deal more with systematic reviews in the second course, SWK 3402, since they are important tools for understanding interventions. They are somewhat less common, but not unheard of, in helping us understand diverse populations, social work problems, and social phenomena.

Locating Empirical Evidence

Social workers have available a wide array of tools and resources for locating empirical evidence in the literature. These can be organized into four general categories.

Journal Articles. A number of professional journals publish articles where investigators report on the results of their empirical studies. However, it is important to know how to distinguish between empirical and non-empirical manuscripts in these journals. A key indicator, though not the only one, involves a peer review process . Many professional journals require that manuscripts undergo a process of peer review before they are accepted for publication. This means that the authors’ work is shared with scholars who provide feedback to the journal editor as to the quality of the submitted manuscript. The editor then makes a decision based on the reviewers’ feedback:

• Accept as is
• Accept with minor revisions
• Request that a revision be resubmitted (no assurance of acceptance)

When a “revise and resubmit” decision is made, the piece will go back through the review process to determine if it is now acceptable for publication and that all of the reviewers’ concerns have been adequately addressed. Editors may also reject a manuscript because it is a poor fit for the journal, based on its mission and audience, rather than sending it for review consideration.

Indicators of journal relevance. Various journals are not equally relevant to every type of question being asked of the literature. Journals may overlap to a great extent in terms of the topics they might cover; in other words, a topic might appear in multiple different journals, depending on how the topic was being addressed. For example, articles that might help answer a question about the relationship between community poverty and violence exposure might appear in several different journals, some with a focus on poverty, others with a focus on violence, and still others on community development or public health. Journal titles are sometimes a good starting point but may not give a broad enough picture of what they cover in their contents.

In focusing a literature search, it also helps to review a journal’s mission and target audience. For example, at least four different journals focus specifically on poverty:

• Journal of Children & Poverty
• Journal of Poverty
• Journal of Poverty and Social Justice
• Poverty & Public Policy

Let’s look at an example using the Journal of Poverty and Social Justice . Information about this journal is located on the journal’s webpage: http://policy.bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/journals/journal-of-poverty-and-social-justice . In the section headed “About the Journal” you can see that it is an internationally focused research journal, and that it addresses social justice issues in addition to poverty alone. The research articles are peer-reviewed (there appear to be non-empirical discussions published, as well). These descriptions about a journal are almost always available, sometimes listed as “scope” or “mission.” These descriptions also indicate the sponsorship of the journal—sponsorship may be institutional (a particular university or agency, such as Smith College Studies in Social Work ), a professional organization, such as the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE) or the National Association of Social Work (NASW), or a publishing company (e.g., Taylor & Frances, Wiley, or Sage).

Indicators of journal caliber.  Despite engaging in a peer review process, not all journals are equally rigorous. Some journals have very high rejection rates, meaning that many submitted manuscripts are rejected; others have fairly high acceptance rates, meaning that relatively few manuscripts are rejected. This is not necessarily the best indicator of quality, however, since newer journals may not be sufficiently familiar to authors with high quality manuscripts and some journals are very specific in terms of what they publish. Another index that is sometimes used is the journal’s impact factor . Impact factor is a quantitative number indicative of how often articles published in the journal are cited in the reference list of other journal articles—the statistic is calculated as the number of times on average each article published in a particular year were cited divided by the number of articles published (the number that could be cited). For example, the impact factor for the Journal of Poverty and Social Justice in our list above was 0.70 in 2017, and for the Journal of Poverty was 0.30. These are relatively low figures compared to a journal like the New England Journal of Medicine with an impact factor of 59.56! This means that articles published in that journal were, on average, cited more than 59 times in the next year or two.

Impact factors are not necessarily the best indicator of caliber, however, since many strong journals are geared toward practitioners rather than scholars, so they are less likely to be cited by other scholars but may have a large impact on a large readership. This may be the case for a journal like the one titled Social Work, the official journal of the National Association of Social Workers. It is distributed free to all members: over 120,000 practitioners, educators, and students of social work world-wide. The journal has a recent impact factor of.790. The journals with social work relevant content have impact factors in the range of 1.0 to 3.0 according to Scimago Journal & Country Rank (SJR), particularly when they are interdisciplinary journals (for example, Child Development , Journal of Marriage and Family , Child Abuse and Neglect , Child Maltreatmen t, Social Service Review , and British Journal of Social Work ). Once upon a time, a reader could locate different indexes comparing the “quality” of social work-related journals. However, the concept of “quality” is difficult to systematically define. These indexes have mostly been replaced by impact ratings, which are not necessarily the best, most robust indicators on which to rely in assessing journal quality. For example, new journals addressing cutting edge topics have not been around long enough to have been evaluated using this particular tool, and it takes a few years for articles to begin to be cited in other, later publications.

Beware of pseudo-, illegitimate, misleading, deceptive, and suspicious journals . Another side effect of living in the Age of Information is that almost anyone can circulate almost anything and call it whatever they wish. This goes for “journal” publications, as well. With the advent of open-access publishing in recent years (electronic resources available without subscription), we have seen an explosion of what are called predatory or junk journals . These are publications calling themselves journals, often with titles very similar to legitimate publications and often with fake editorial boards. These “publications” lack the integrity of legitimate journals. This caution is reminiscent of the discussions earlier in the course about pseudoscience and “snake oil” sales. The predatory nature of many apparent information dissemination outlets has to do with how scientists and scholars may be fooled into submitting their work, often paying to have their work peer-reviewed and published. There exists a “thriving black-market economy of publishing scams,” and at least two “journal blacklists” exist to help identify and avoid these scam journals (Anderson, 2017).

This issue is important to information consumers, because it creates a challenge in terms of identifying legitimate sources and publications. The challenge is particularly important to address when information from on-line, open-access journals is being considered. Open-access is not necessarily a poor choice—legitimate scientists may pay sizeable fees to legitimate publishers to make their work freely available and accessible as open-access resources. On-line access is also not necessarily a poor choice—legitimate publishers often make articles available on-line to provide timely access to the content, especially when publishing the article in hard copy will be delayed by months or even a year or more. On the other hand, stating that a journal engages in a peer-review process is no guarantee of quality—this claim may or may not be truthful. Pseudo- and junk journals may engage in some quality control practices, but may lack attention to important quality control processes, such as managing conflict of interest, reviewing content for objectivity or quality of the research conducted, or otherwise failing to adhere to industry standards (Laine & Winker, 2017).

One resource designed to assist with the process of deciphering legitimacy is the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ). The DOAJ is not a comprehensive listing of all possible legitimate open-access journals, and does not guarantee quality, but it does help identify legitimate sources of information that are openly accessible and meet basic legitimacy criteria. It also is about open-access journals, not the many journals published in hard copy.

An additional caution: Search for article corrections. Despite all of the careful manuscript review and editing, sometimes an error appears in a published article. Most journals have a practice of publishing corrections in future issues. When you locate an article, it is helpful to also search for updates. Here is an example where data presented in an article’s original tables were erroneous, and a correction appeared in a later issue.

• Marchant, A., Hawton, K., Stewart A., Montgomery, P., Singaravelu, V., Lloyd, K., Purdy, N., Daine, K., & John, A. (2017). A systematic review of the relationship between internet use, self-harm and suicidal behaviour in young people: The good, the bad and the unknown. PLoS One, 12(8): e0181722. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5558917/
• Marchant, A., Hawton, K., Stewart A., Montgomery, P., Singaravelu, V., Lloyd, K., Purdy, N., Daine, K., & John, A. (2018).Correction—A systematic review of the relationship between internet use, self-harm and suicidal behaviour in young people: The good, the bad and the unknown. PLoS One, 13(3): e0193937.  http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0193937

Search Tools. In this age of information, it is all too easy to find items—the problem lies in sifting, sorting, and managing the vast numbers of items that can be found. For example, a simple Google® search for the topic “community poverty and violence” resulted in about 15,600,000 results! As a means of simplifying the process of searching for journal articles on a specific topic, a variety of helpful tools have emerged. One type of search tool has previously applied a filtering process for you: abstracting and indexing databases . These resources provide the user with the results of a search to which records have already passed through one or more filters. For example, PsycINFO is managed by the American Psychological Association and is devoted to peer-reviewed literature in behavioral science. It contains almost 4.5 million records and is growing every month. However, it may not be available to users who are not affiliated with a university library. Conducting a basic search for our topic of “community poverty and violence” in PsychINFO returned 1,119 articles. Still a large number, but far more manageable. Additional filters can be applied, such as limiting the range in publication dates, selecting only peer reviewed items, limiting the language of the published piece (English only, for example), and specified types of documents (either chapters, dissertations, or journal articles only, for example). Adding the filters for English, peer-reviewed journal articles published between 2010 and 2017 resulted in 346 documents being identified.

Just as was the case with journals, not all abstracting and indexing databases are equivalent. There may be overlap between them, but none is guaranteed to identify all relevant pieces of literature. Here are some examples to consider, depending on the nature of the questions asked of the literature:

• Academic Search Complete—multidisciplinary index of 9,300 peer-reviewed journals
• AgeLine—multidisciplinary index of aging-related content for over 600 journals
• Campbell Collaboration—systematic reviews in education, crime and justice, social welfare, international development
• Google Scholar—broad search tool for scholarly literature across many disciplines
• MEDLINE/ PubMed—National Library of medicine, access to over 15 million citations
• Oxford Bibliographies—annotated bibliographies, each is discipline specific (e.g., psychology, childhood studies, criminology, social work, sociology)
• PsycINFO/PsycLIT—international literature on material relevant to psychology and related disciplines
• SocINDEX—publications in sociology
• Social Sciences Abstracts—multiple disciplines
• Social Work Abstracts—many areas of social work are covered
• Web of Science—a “meta” search tool that searches other search tools, multiple disciplines

Placing our search for information about “community violence and poverty” into the Social Work Abstracts tool with no additional filters resulted in a manageable 54-item list. Finally, abstracting and indexing databases are another way to determine journal legitimacy: if a journal is indexed in a one of these systems, it is likely a legitimate journal. However, the converse is not necessarily true: if a journal is not indexed does not mean it is an illegitimate or pseudo-journal.

Government Sources. A great deal of information is gathered, analyzed, and disseminated by various governmental branches at the international, national, state, regional, county, and city level. Searching websites that end in.gov is one way to identify this type of information, often presented in articles, news briefs, and statistical reports. These government sources gather information in two ways: they fund external investigations through grants and contracts and they conduct research internally, through their own investigators. Here are some examples to consider, depending on the nature of the topic for which information is sought:

• Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) at https://www.ahrq.gov/
• Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) at https://www.bjs.gov/
• Census Bureau at https://www.census.gov
• Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report of the CDC (MMWR-CDC) at https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/index.html
• Child Welfare Information Gateway at https://www.childwelfare.gov
• Children’s Bureau/Administration for Children & Families at https://www.acf.hhs.gov
• Forum on Child and Family Statistics at https://www.childstats.gov
• National Institutes of Health (NIH) at https://www.nih.gov , including (not limited to):
• National Institute on Aging (NIA at https://www.nia.nih.gov
• National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) at https://www.niaaa.nih.gov
• National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) at https://www.nichd.nih.gov
• National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) at https://www.nida.nih.gov
• National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences at https://www.niehs.nih.gov
• National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) at https://www.nimh.nih.gov
• National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities at https://www.nimhd.nih.gov
• National Institute of Justice (NIJ) at https://www.nij.gov
• Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) at https://www.samhsa.gov/
• United States Agency for International Development at https://usaid.gov

Each state and many counties or cities have similar data sources and analysis reports available, such as Ohio Department of Health at https://www.odh.ohio.gov/healthstats/dataandstats.aspx and Franklin County at https://statisticalatlas.com/county/Ohio/Franklin-County/Overview . Data are available from international/global resources (e.g., United Nations and World Health Organization), as well.

Other Sources. The Health and Medicine Division (HMD) of the National Academies—previously the Institute of Medicine (IOM)—is a nonprofit institution that aims to provide government and private sector policy and other decision makers with objective analysis and advice for making informed health decisions. For example, in 2018 they produced reports on topics in substance use and mental health concerning the intersection of opioid use disorder and infectious disease,  the legal implications of emerging neurotechnologies, and a global agenda concerning the identification and prevention of violence (see http://www.nationalacademies.org/hmd/Global/Topics/Substance-Abuse-Mental-Health.aspx ). The exciting aspect of this resource is that it addresses many topics that are current concerns because they are hoping to help inform emerging policy. The caution to consider with this resource is the evidence is often still emerging, as well.

Numerous “think tank” organizations exist, each with a specific mission. For example, the Rand Corporation is a nonprofit organization offering research and analysis to address global issues since 1948. The institution’s mission is to help improve policy and decision making “to help individuals, families, and communities throughout the world be safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous,” addressing issues of energy, education, health care, justice, the environment, international affairs, and national security (https://www.rand.org/about/history.html). And, for example, the Robert Woods Johnson Foundation is a philanthropic organization supporting research and research dissemination concerning health issues facing the United States. The foundation works to build a culture of health across systems of care (not only medical care) and communities (https://www.rwjf.org).

While many of these have a great deal of helpful evidence to share, they also may have a strong political bias. Objectivity is often lacking in what information these organizations provide: they provide evidence to support certain points of view. That is their purpose—to provide ideas on specific problems, many of which have a political component. Think tanks “are constantly researching solutions to a variety of the world’s problems, and arguing, advocating, and lobbying for policy changes at local, state, and federal levels” (quoted from https://thebestschools.org/features/most-influential-think-tanks/ ). Helpful information about what this one source identified as the 50 most influential U.S. think tanks includes identifying each think tank’s political orientation. For example, The Heritage Foundation is identified as conservative, whereas Human Rights Watch is identified as liberal.

While not the same as think tanks, many mission-driven organizations also sponsor or report on research, as well. For example, the National Association for Children of Alcoholics (NACOA) in the United States is a registered nonprofit organization. Its mission, along with other partnering organizations, private-sector groups, and federal agencies, is to promote policy and program development in research, prevention and treatment to provide information to, for, and about children of alcoholics (of all ages). Based on this mission, the organization supports knowledge development and information gathering on the topic and disseminates information that serves the needs of this population. While this is a worthwhile mission, there is no guarantee that the information meets the criteria for evidence with which we have been working. Evidence reported by think tank and mission-driven sources must be utilized with a great deal of caution and critical analysis!

In many instances an empirical report has not appeared in the published literature, but in the form of a technical or final report to the agency or program providing the funding for the research that was conducted. One such example is presented by a team of investigators funded by the National Institute of Justice to evaluate a program for training professionals to collect strong forensic evidence in instances of sexual assault (Patterson, Resko, Pierce-Weeks, & Campbell, 2014): https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/247081.pdf . Investigators may serve in the capacity of consultant to agencies, programs, or institutions, and provide empirical evidence to inform activities and planning. One such example is presented by Maguire-Jack (2014) as a report to a state’s child maltreatment prevention board: https://preventionboard.wi.gov/Documents/InvestmentInPreventionPrograming_Final.pdf .

When Direct Answers to Questions Cannot Be Found. Sometimes social workers are interested in finding answers to complex questions or questions related to an emerging, not-yet-understood topic. This does not mean giving up on empirical literature. Instead, it requires a bit of creativity in approaching the literature. A Venn diagram might help explain this process. Consider a scenario where a social worker wishes to locate literature to answer a question concerning issues of intersectionality. Intersectionality is a social justice term applied to situations where multiple categorizations or classifications come together to create overlapping, interconnected, or multiplied disadvantage. For example, women with a substance use disorder and who have been incarcerated face a triple threat in terms of successful treatment for a substance use disorder: intersectionality exists between being a woman, having a substance use disorder, and having been in jail or prison. After searching the literature, little or no empirical evidence might have been located on this specific triple-threat topic. Instead, the social worker will need to seek literature on each of the threats individually, and possibly will find literature on pairs of topics (see Figure 3-1). There exists some literature about women’s outcomes for treatment of a substance use disorder (a), some literature about women during and following incarceration (b), and some literature about substance use disorders and incarceration (c). Despite not having a direct line on the center of the intersecting spheres of literature (d), the social worker can develop at least a partial picture based on the overlapping literatures.

Figure 3-1. Venn diagram of intersecting literature sets.

Take a moment to complete the following activity. For each statement about empirical literature, decide if it is true or false.

Social Work 3401 Coursebook Copyright © by Dr. Audrey Begun is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Writing a Literature Review

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A literature review is a document or section of a document that collects key sources on a topic and discusses those sources in conversation with each other (also called synthesis ). The lit review is an important genre in many disciplines, not just literature (i.e., the study of works of literature such as novels and plays). When we say “literature review” or refer to “the literature,” we are talking about the research ( scholarship ) in a given field. You will often see the terms “the research,” “the scholarship,” and “the literature” used mostly interchangeably.

Where, when, and why would I write a lit review?

There are a number of different situations where you might write a literature review, each with slightly different expectations; different disciplines, too, have field-specific expectations for what a literature review is and does. For instance, in the humanities, authors might include more overt argumentation and interpretation of source material in their literature reviews, whereas in the sciences, authors are more likely to report study designs and results in their literature reviews; these differences reflect these disciplines’ purposes and conventions in scholarship. You should always look at examples from your own discipline and talk to professors or mentors in your field to be sure you understand your discipline’s conventions, for literature reviews as well as for any other genre.

A literature review can be a part of a research paper or scholarly article, usually falling after the introduction and before the research methods sections. In these cases, the lit review just needs to cover scholarship that is important to the issue you are writing about; sometimes it will also cover key sources that informed your research methodology.

Lit reviews can also be standalone pieces, either as assignments in a class or as publications. In a class, a lit review may be assigned to help students familiarize themselves with a topic and with scholarship in their field, get an idea of the other researchers working on the topic they’re interested in, find gaps in existing research in order to propose new projects, and/or develop a theoretical framework and methodology for later research. As a publication, a lit review usually is meant to help make other scholars’ lives easier by collecting and summarizing, synthesizing, and analyzing existing research on a topic. This can be especially helpful for students or scholars getting into a new research area, or for directing an entire community of scholars toward questions that have not yet been answered.

What are the parts of a lit review?

Most lit reviews use a basic introduction-body-conclusion structure; if your lit review is part of a larger paper, the introduction and conclusion pieces may be just a few sentences while you focus most of your attention on the body. If your lit review is a standalone piece, the introduction and conclusion take up more space and give you a place to discuss your goals, research methods, and conclusions separately from where you discuss the literature itself.

Introduction:

• An introductory paragraph that explains what your working topic and thesis is
• A forecast of key topics or texts that will appear in the review
• Potentially, a description of how you found sources and how you analyzed them for inclusion and discussion in the review (more often found in published, standalone literature reviews than in lit review sections in an article or research paper)
• Summarize and synthesize: Give an overview of the main points of each source and combine them into a coherent whole
• Analyze and interpret: Don’t just paraphrase other researchers – add your own interpretations where possible, discussing the significance of findings in relation to the literature as a whole
• Critically Evaluate: Mention the strengths and weaknesses of your sources
• Write in well-structured paragraphs: Use transition words and topic sentence to draw connections, comparisons, and contrasts.

Conclusion:

• Summarize the key findings you have taken from the literature and emphasize their significance
• Connect it back to your primary research question

How should I organize my lit review?

Lit reviews can take many different organizational patterns depending on what you are trying to accomplish with the review. Here are some examples:

• Chronological : The simplest approach is to trace the development of the topic over time, which helps familiarize the audience with the topic (for instance if you are introducing something that is not commonly known in your field). If you choose this strategy, be careful to avoid simply listing and summarizing sources in order. Try to analyze the patterns, turning points, and key debates that have shaped the direction of the field. Give your interpretation of how and why certain developments occurred (as mentioned previously, this may not be appropriate in your discipline — check with a teacher or mentor if you’re unsure).
• Thematic : If you have found some recurring central themes that you will continue working with throughout your piece, you can organize your literature review into subsections that address different aspects of the topic. For example, if you are reviewing literature about women and religion, key themes can include the role of women in churches and the religious attitude towards women.
• Qualitative versus quantitative research
• Empirical versus theoretical scholarship
• Divide the research by sociological, historical, or cultural sources
• Theoretical : In many humanities articles, the literature review is the foundation for the theoretical framework. You can use it to discuss various theories, models, and definitions of key concepts. You can argue for the relevance of a specific theoretical approach or combine various theorical concepts to create a framework for your research.

What are some strategies or tips I can use while writing my lit review?

Any lit review is only as good as the research it discusses; make sure your sources are well-chosen and your research is thorough. Don’t be afraid to do more research if you discover a new thread as you’re writing. More info on the research process is available in our "Conducting Research" resources .

As you’re doing your research, create an annotated bibliography ( see our page on the this type of document ). Much of the information used in an annotated bibliography can be used also in a literature review, so you’ll be not only partially drafting your lit review as you research, but also developing your sense of the larger conversation going on among scholars, professionals, and any other stakeholders in your topic.

Usually you will need to synthesize research rather than just summarizing it. This means drawing connections between sources to create a picture of the scholarly conversation on a topic over time. Many student writers struggle to synthesize because they feel they don’t have anything to add to the scholars they are citing; here are some strategies to help you:

• It often helps to remember that the point of these kinds of syntheses is to show your readers how you understand your research, to help them read the rest of your paper.
• Writing teachers often say synthesis is like hosting a dinner party: imagine all your sources are together in a room, discussing your topic. What are they saying to each other?
• Look at the in-text citations in each paragraph. Are you citing just one source for each paragraph? This usually indicates summary only. When you have multiple sources cited in a paragraph, you are more likely to be synthesizing them (not always, but often
• Read more about synthesis here.

The most interesting literature reviews are often written as arguments (again, as mentioned at the beginning of the page, this is discipline-specific and doesn’t work for all situations). Often, the literature review is where you can establish your research as filling a particular gap or as relevant in a particular way. You have some chance to do this in your introduction in an article, but the literature review section gives a more extended opportunity to establish the conversation in the way you would like your readers to see it. You can choose the intellectual lineage you would like to be part of and whose definitions matter most to your thinking (mostly humanities-specific, but this goes for sciences as well). In addressing these points, you argue for your place in the conversation, which tends to make the lit review more compelling than a simple reporting of other sources.

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• February 19, 2022
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Differences between Empirical Review and Literature Review

As a researcher, you might wonder about the difference between an Empirical Review and Literature Review. If you are going to write an essay or article, you must first figure out what your topic is. The subject determines the flow of the writing, the material provided, and every other element.

Content Outline

Get your seat closer; let’s get to what you need to know about Empirical Review and Literature Review and their notable differences.

Students often accost empirical studies and literature reviews while preparing a research paper . It’s critical to know the difference between the two in order to craft a solid piece of writing. Both articles are responsible for presenting the facts, but their strategies differ.

Students are often perplexed when asked what empirical research is. The following is an explanation of the differences between a systematic review and a literature review:

Definition of Empirical review -Empirical Review and Literature Review

An empirical literature review, also known as a systematic literature review, analyzes previous empirical studies in order to provide an answer to a specific research topic.

Rather than drawing information from theories or beliefs, empirical research relies on observations and measurements to arrive at conclusions. To address specific research inquiries, it could involve making a list of people, behaviours, or events that are being researched.

In some cases, reviews of studies that involve experiments are used in empirical reviews to generate findings based on experience that may be seen directly or indirectly. Most of the time, the analysis entails quantifying the data and drawing conclusions.

The goal is to provide data that can be quantified using established scientific methods . Research reviewers thoroughly examine all findings of other authors before drawing any conclusions in an essay or paper.

As a result of carefully planned and monitored observations, the experiment is carried out, and the resulting conclusion is rigorously monitored. In contrast to other types of literature reviews, the focus here is on the most recent results of the experimental studies as it is now being conducted. A hypothesis may also be a forecast of a previously presented theory based on prior material.

Empirical evidence refers to data gathered via testing or observation in this context. These data are collected and analyzed by scientists.

For example, an empirical review could involve reviewing the study of another researcher on a group of listeners exposed to upbeat music or a work on learning and improvisation that examines other studies on work that theorizes about the educational value of improvisational principles and practices, such as Viola Spolin and Keith Johnstone ‘s writings in which they present their beliefs, impressions, ideas, and theories about those.

Defining Literature Review -Empirical Review and Literature Review

The literature review , instead of an empirical review, necessitates reading several related studies. Other theoretical sources are used to compile the facts and information included in this piece. The accumulation of all literary works may lead to new deductions. Information and hypotheses, on the other hand, have already been developed.

To generate cohesive findings, a literature review compiles all necessary data. No new theories can be developed since no experimental work can be done.

There is an important function for the literature review in uncovering defining, and clarifying key ideas that will be utilized throughout the empirical parts of the paper argues.

A well-written review article may shed light on the current state of knowledge, explain apparent inconsistencies, pinpoint areas in need of more study, and even help to forge a consensus where none previously existed. A well-written review may also assist you in your professional life. Reviews aid in recognition and advancement due to their high citation frequency.

Selecting the type of review to conduct -Empirical Review and Literature Review

College students are often required to write several papers as part of their studies. When a student does a literature review, he or she attempts to use the written word to support or refute an idea or hypothesis. He or she may test a theory or try to find an answer to a specific issue based on already-known information.

An empirical review is a piece of writing based on a study that was done purely for the purpose of publishing it. Calibrated instruments are used to conduct the experiment in a scientifically controlled way.

In this age of AI, research has become more interesting as you can use AI for your research study to make reviewing literature easier (Thesis, Dissertation, Research paper, among others). AI tools like SciSpace literature review can help you compare, contrast, and analyze research papers more efficiently.

It would be best to start writing as soon as you finish the experiment. During the study, observations should be recorded methodically. This aids in developing coherence, which is more easily understood even in the future. Additionally, starting the writing process early allows for more time for revision and results in higher-quality work.

Because experiments may take some time to produce the desired results, this is especially important for empirical studies. Leaving the writing to the last minute and beginning it when the deadline is nearing will just add to the stress and complexity of the process. This interferes with the job and lowers the quality. As a result, staying on top of your job helps your paper and your personal life grow.

Almost every research article includes a review of the literature. An empirical study must first be established inside an accepted theory before they can publish their findings. In other words, before we get into our methodology and research questions, we’ll go through what’s been done previously and how the variables we want to investigate fit into the theories and frameworks of our research field.

An empirical literature review, also known as a systematic literature review, analyzes previous empirical studies in order to provide an answer to a specific research topic. Randomized controlled trials are the most common kind of empirical study.

Both of these tasks are similar in that they need to review previous work on the topic. The empirical literature review, on the other hand, seeks to address a particular empirical issue by analyzing data. The theoretical literature review serves primarily to place your research within a broader framework. A theoretical review will be included in systematic empirical reviews to help researchers understand why a specific research topic is worth investigating.

Thank you for your time, we hope you got value reading Differences between Empirical Review and Literature Review?

Frequently Asked Questions

What is an example of an empirical review.

An empirical review is an academic review that focuses on summarizing and analyzing the findings of empirical research studies. Empirical research involves collecting and analysing primary data through experiments, surveys, observations, or any other data collection method(s).

An example of an empirical review would be a critical examination of several recent scientific studies that have investigated the effectiveness of a specific drug in treating a particular medical condition. The empirical review would include the study objectives, a summary of the research methods, key findings, and a critical evaluation of the research design, data collection, and statistical analysis methods employed in those studies.

What is the purpose of a literature review in empirical research studies?

A literature review in empirical research studies provides a comprehensive and systematic overview of existing published research and scholarly works related to the topic under investigation. This serves several important purposes:

Contextualization : It helps researchers place their study within the context of existing knowledge and identify gaps or areas where further research is needed.

Identification of Theoretical Frameworks : A literature review aids in identifying relevant theories and concepts that can inform the research design and data analysis in empirical studies.

Methodological Guidance: It offers insights into prior studies’ methodologies and research methods, helping researchers make informed decisions about their own data collection and analysis techniques.

Hypothesis Development: It can assist in formulating research hypotheses and research questions based on the existing literature.

Validation of Research Question: By reviewing the literature, researchers can ensure that their research questions or hypotheses have not been adequately addressed in prior studies.

Identification of Variables: It helps identify key variables and factors examined in previous research, which can guide the selection of variables in the new study.

In summary, a literature review in empirical research serves as the foundation upon which a new empirical study is built, helping researchers gain a deep understanding of the existing knowledge in their field, refine their research questions, and make informed decisions about the research design and methods they will employ.

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Empirical research in the social sciences and education.

• What is Empirical Research and How to Read It
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Contact the Librarian at your campus for more help!

Introduction: What is Empirical Research?

Empirical research is based on observed and measured phenomena and derives knowledge from actual experience rather than from theory or belief. 

How do you know if a study is empirical? Read the subheadings within the article, book, or report and look for a description of the research "methodology."  Ask yourself: Could I recreate this study and test these results?

Key characteristics to look for:

• Specific research questions to be answered
• Definition of the population, behavior, or   phenomena being studied
• Description of the process used to study this population or phenomena, including selection criteria, controls, and testing instruments (such as surveys)

Another hint: some scholarly journals use a specific layout, called the "IMRaD" format, to communicate empirical research findings. Such articles typically have 4 components:

• Introduction : sometimes called "literature review" -- what is currently known about the topic -- usually includes a theoretical framework and/or discussion of previous studies
• Methodology: sometimes called "research design" -- how to recreate the study -- usually describes the population, research process, and analytical tools used in the present study
• Results : sometimes called "findings" -- what was learned through the study -- usually appears as statistical data or as substantial quotations from research participants
• Discussion : sometimes called "conclusion" or "implications" -- why the study is important -- usually describes how the research results influence professional practices or future studies

Reading and Evaluating Scholarly Materials

Reading research can be a challenge. However, the tutorials and videos below can help. They explain what scholarly articles look like, how to read them, and how to evaluate them:

• CRAAP Checklist A frequently-used checklist that helps you examine the currency, relevance, authority, accuracy, and purpose of an information source.
• IF I APPLY A newer model of evaluating sources which encourages you to think about your own biases as a reader, as well as concerns about the item you are reading.
• Credo Video: How to Read Scholarly Materials (4 min.)
• Credo Tutorial: How to Read Scholarly Materials
• Credo Tutorial: Evaluating Information
• Credo Video: Evaluating Statistics (4 min.)
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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Literature Reviews

Introduction, what is a literature review.

• Literature Reviews for Thesis or Dissertation
• Stand-alone and Systemic Reviews
• Purposes of a Literature Review
• Texts on Conducting a Literature Review
• Identifying the Research Topic
• The Persuasive Argument
• Searching the Literature
• Creating a Synthesis
• Critiquing the Literature
• Building the Case for the Literature Review Document
• Presenting the Literature Review

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Literature Reviews by Lawrence A. Machi , Brenda T. McEvoy LAST REVIEWED: 21 April 2021 LAST MODIFIED: 27 October 2016 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756810-0169

Literature reviews play a foundational role in the development and execution of a research project. They provide access to the academic conversation surrounding the topic of the proposed study. By engaging in this scholarly exercise, the researcher is able to learn and to share knowledge about the topic. The literature review acts as the springboard for new research, in that it lays out a logically argued case, founded on a comprehensive understanding of the current state of knowledge about the topic. The case produced provides the justification for the research question or problem of a proposed study, and the methodological scheme best suited to conduct the research. It can also be a research project in itself, arguing policy or practice implementation, based on a comprehensive analysis of the research in a field. The term literature review can refer to the output or the product of a review. It can also refer to the process of Conducting a Literature Review . Novice researchers, when attempting their first research projects, tend to ask two questions: What is a Literature Review? How do you do one? While this annotated bibliography is neither definitive nor exhaustive in its treatment of the subject, it is designed to provide a beginning researcher, who is pursuing an academic degree, an entry point for answering the two previous questions. The article is divided into two parts. The first four sections of the article provide a general overview of the topic. They address definitions, types, purposes, and processes for doing a literature review. The second part presents the process and procedures for doing a literature review. Arranged in a sequential fashion, the remaining eight sections provide references addressing each step of the literature review process. References included in this article were selected based on their ability to assist the beginning researcher. Additionally, the authors attempted to include texts from various disciplines in social science to present various points of view on the subject.

Novice researchers often have a misguided perception of how to do a literature review and what the document should contain. Literature reviews are not narrative annotated bibliographies nor book reports (see Bruce 1994 ). Their form, function, and outcomes vary, due to how they depend on the research question, the standards and criteria of the academic discipline, and the orthodoxies of the research community charged with the research. The term literature review can refer to the process of doing a review as well as the product resulting from conducting a review. The product resulting from reviewing the literature is the concern of this section. Literature reviews for research studies at the master’s and doctoral levels have various definitions. Machi and McEvoy 2016 presents a general definition of a literature review. Lambert 2012 defines a literature review as a critical analysis of what is known about the study topic, the themes related to it, and the various perspectives expressed regarding the topic. Fink 2010 defines a literature review as a systematic review of existing body of data that identifies, evaluates, and synthesizes for explicit presentation. Jesson, et al. 2011 defines the literature review as a critical description and appraisal of a topic. Hart 1998 sees the literature review as producing two products: the presentation of information, ideas, data, and evidence to express viewpoints on the nature of the topic, as well as how it is to be investigated. When considering literature reviews beyond the novice level, Ridley 2012 defines and differentiates the systematic review from literature reviews associated with primary research conducted in academic degree programs of study, including stand-alone literature reviews. Cooper 1998 states the product of literature review is dependent on the research study’s goal and focus, and defines synthesis reviews as literature reviews that seek to summarize and draw conclusions from past empirical research to determine what issues have yet to be resolved. Theoretical reviews compare and contrast the predictive ability of theories that explain the phenomenon, arguing which theory holds the most validity in describing the nature of that phenomenon. Grant and Booth 2009 identified fourteen types of reviews used in both degree granting and advanced research projects, describing their attributes and methodologies.

Bruce, Christine Susan. 1994. Research students’ early experiences of the dissertation literature review. Studies in Higher Education 19.2: 217–229.

DOI: 10.1080/03075079412331382057

A phenomenological analysis was conducted with forty-one neophyte research scholars. The responses to the questions, “What do you mean when you use the words literature review?” and “What is the meaning of a literature review for your research?” identified six concepts. The results conclude that doing a literature review is a problem area for students.

Cooper, Harris. 1998. Synthesizing research . Vol. 2. 3d ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.

The introductory chapter of this text provides a cogent explanation of Cooper’s understanding of literature reviews. Chapter 4 presents a comprehensive discussion of the synthesis review. Chapter 5 discusses meta-analysis and depth.

Fink, Arlene. 2010. Conducting research literature reviews: From the Internet to paper . 3d ed. Los Angeles: SAGE.

The first chapter of this text (pp. 1–16) provides a short but clear discussion of what a literature review is in reference to its application to a broad range of social sciences disciplines and their related professions.

Grant, Maria J., and Andrew Booth. 2009. A typology of reviews: An analysis of 14 review types and associated methodologies. Health Information & Libraries Journal 26.2: 91–108. Print.

DOI: 10.1111/j.1471-1842.2009.00848.x

This article reports a scoping review that was conducted using the “Search, Appraisal, Synthesis, and Analysis” (SALSA) framework. Fourteen literature review types and associated methodology make up the resulting typology. Each type is described by its key characteristics and analyzed for its strengths and weaknesses.

Hart, Chris. 1998. Doing a literature review: Releasing the social science research imagination . London: SAGE.

Chapter 1 of this text explains Hart’s definition of a literature review. Additionally, it describes the roles of the literature review, the skills of a literature reviewer, and the research context for a literature review. Of note is Hart’s discussion of the literature review requirements for master’s degree and doctoral degree work.

Jesson, Jill, Lydia Matheson, and Fiona M. Lacey. 2011. Doing your literature review: Traditional and systematic techniques . Los Angeles: SAGE.

Chapter 1: “Preliminaries” provides definitions of traditional and systematic reviews. It discusses the differences between them. Chapter 5 is dedicated to explaining the traditional review, while Chapter 7 explains the systematic review. Chapter 8 provides a detailed description of meta-analysis.

Lambert, Mike. 2012. A beginner’s guide to doing your education research project . Los Angeles: SAGE.

Chapter 6 (pp. 79–100) presents a thumbnail sketch for doing a literature review.

Machi, Lawrence A., and Brenda T. McEvoy. 2016. The literature review: Six steps to success . 3d ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin.

The introduction of this text differentiates between a simple and an advanced review and concisely defines a literature review.

Ridley, Diana. 2012. The literature review: A step-by-step guide for students . 2d ed. Sage Study Skills. London: SAGE.

In the introductory chapter, Ridley reviews many definitions of the literature review, literature reviews at the master’s and doctoral level, and placement of literature reviews within the thesis or dissertation document. She also defines and differentiates literature reviews produced for degree-affiliated research from the more advanced systematic review projects.

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Literature Reviews

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What is a literature review?

Why conduct a literature review, stages of a literature review, lit reviews: an overview (video), check out these books.

• Types of reviews
• 1. Define your research question
• 2. Plan your search
• 3. Search the literature
• 4. Organize your results
• 5. Synthesize your findings
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Definition: A literature review is a systematic examination and synthesis of existing scholarly research on a specific topic or subject.

Purpose: It serves to provide a comprehensive overview of the current state of knowledge within a particular field.

Analysis: Involves critically evaluating and summarizing key findings, methodologies, and debates found in academic literature.

Identifying Gaps: Aims to pinpoint areas where there is a lack of research or unresolved questions, highlighting opportunities for further investigation.

Contextualization: Enables researchers to understand how their work fits into the broader academic conversation and contributes to the existing body of knowledge.

tl;dr  A literature review critically examines and synthesizes existing scholarly research and publications on a specific topic to provide a comprehensive understanding of the current state of knowledge in the field.

What is a literature review NOT?

❌ An annotated bibliography

❌ Original research

❌ A summary

❌ Something to be conducted at the end of your research

❌ An opinion piece

❌ A chronological compilation of studies

The reason for conducting a literature review is to:

Literature Reviews: An Overview for Graduate Students

While this 9-minute video from NCSU is geared toward graduate students, it is useful for anyone conducting a literature review.

Writing the literature review: A practical guide

Available 3rd floor of Perkins

Writing literature reviews: A guide for students of the social and behavioral sciences

Available online!

So, you have to write a literature review: A guided workbook for engineers

Telling a research story: Writing a literature review

The literature review: Six steps to success

Systematic approaches to a successful literature review

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Doing a systematic review: A student's guide

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What is a Literature Review?

A literature or narrative review is a comprehensive review and analysis of the published literature on a specific topic or research question. The literature that is reviewed contains: books, articles, academic articles, conference proceedings, association papers, and dissertations. It contains the most pertinent studies and points to important past and current research and practices. It provides background and context, and shows how your research will contribute to the field. 

A literature review should: 

• Provide a comprehensive and updated review of the literature;
• Explain why this review has taken place;
• Articulate a position or hypothesis;
• Acknowledge and account for conflicting and corroborating points of view

From  S age Research Methods

Purpose of a Literature Review

A literature review can be written as an introduction to a study to:

• Demonstrate how a study fills a gap in research
• Compare a study with other research that's been done

Or it can be a separate work (a research article on its own) which:

• Organizes or describes a topic
• Describes variables within a particular issue/problem

Limitations of a Literature Review

Some of the limitations of a literature review are:

• It's a snapshot in time. Unlike other reviews, this one has beginning, a middle and an end. There may be future developments that could make your work less relevant.
• It may be too focused. Some niche studies may miss the bigger picture.
• It can be difficult to be comprehensive. There is no way to make sure all the literature on a topic was considered.
• It is easy to be biased if you stick to top tier journals. There may be other places where people are publishing exemplary research. Look to open access publications and conferences to reflect a more inclusive collection. Also, make sure to include opposing views (and not just supporting evidence).

Source: Grant, Maria J., and Andrew Booth. “A Typology of Reviews: An Analysis of 14 Review Types and Associated Methodologies.” Health Information & Libraries Journal, vol. 26, no. 2, June 2009, pp. 91–108. Wiley Online Library, doi:10.1111/j.1471-1842.2009.00848.x.

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Susan Macicak : Linguistics

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For help in other subject areas, please see the guide to library specialists by subject .

Periodically, UT Libraries runs a workshop covering the basics and library support for literature reviews. While we try to offer these once per academic year, we find providing the recording to be helpful to community members who have missed the session. Following is the most recent recording of the workshop, Conducting a Literature Review. To view the recording, a UT login is required.

• October 26, 2022 recording
• Last Updated: Oct 26, 2022 2:49 PM
• URL: https://guides.lib.utexas.edu/literaturereviews

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• v.21(3); Fall 2022

Literature Reviews, Theoretical Frameworks, and Conceptual Frameworks: An Introduction for New Biology Education Researchers

Julie a. luft.

† Department of Mathematics, Social Studies, and Science Education, Mary Frances Early College of Education, University of Georgia, Athens, GA 30602-7124

Sophia Jeong

‡ Department of Teaching & Learning, College of Education & Human Ecology, Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210

Robert Idsardi

§ Department of Biology, Eastern Washington University, Cheney, WA 99004

Grant Gardner

∥ Department of Biology, Middle Tennessee State University, Murfreesboro, TN 37132

Associated Data

To frame their work, biology education researchers need to consider the role of literature reviews, theoretical frameworks, and conceptual frameworks as critical elements of the research and writing process. However, these elements can be confusing for scholars new to education research. This Research Methods article is designed to provide an overview of each of these elements and delineate the purpose of each in the educational research process. We describe what biology education researchers should consider as they conduct literature reviews, identify theoretical frameworks, and construct conceptual frameworks. Clarifying these different components of educational research studies can be helpful to new biology education researchers and the biology education research community at large in situating their work in the broader scholarly literature.

INTRODUCTION

Discipline-based education research (DBER) involves the purposeful and situated study of teaching and learning in specific disciplinary areas ( Singer et al. , 2012 ). Studies in DBER are guided by research questions that reflect disciplines’ priorities and worldviews. Researchers can use quantitative data, qualitative data, or both to answer these research questions through a variety of methodological traditions. Across all methodologies, there are different methods associated with planning and conducting educational research studies that include the use of surveys, interviews, observations, artifacts, or instruments. Ensuring the coherence of these elements to the discipline’s perspective also involves situating the work in the broader scholarly literature. The tools for doing this include literature reviews, theoretical frameworks, and conceptual frameworks. However, the purpose and function of each of these elements is often confusing to new education researchers. The goal of this article is to introduce new biology education researchers to these three important elements important in DBER scholarship and the broader educational literature.

The first element we discuss is a review of research (literature reviews), which highlights the need for a specific research question, study problem, or topic of investigation. Literature reviews situate the relevance of the study within a topic and a field. The process may seem familiar to science researchers entering DBER fields, but new researchers may still struggle in conducting the review. Booth et al. (2016b) highlight some of the challenges novice education researchers face when conducting a review of literature. They point out that novice researchers struggle in deciding how to focus the review, determining the scope of articles needed in the review, and knowing how to be critical of the articles in the review. Overcoming these challenges (and others) can help novice researchers construct a sound literature review that can inform the design of the study and help ensure the work makes a contribution to the field.

The second and third highlighted elements are theoretical and conceptual frameworks. These guide biology education research (BER) studies, and may be less familiar to science researchers. These elements are important in shaping the construction of new knowledge. Theoretical frameworks offer a way to explain and interpret the studied phenomenon, while conceptual frameworks clarify assumptions about the studied phenomenon. Despite the importance of these constructs in educational research, biology educational researchers have noted the limited use of theoretical or conceptual frameworks in published work ( DeHaan, 2011 ; Dirks, 2011 ; Lo et al. , 2019 ). In reviewing articles published in CBE—Life Sciences Education ( LSE ) between 2015 and 2019, we found that fewer than 25% of the research articles had a theoretical or conceptual framework (see the Supplemental Information), and at times there was an inconsistent use of theoretical and conceptual frameworks. Clearly, these frameworks are challenging for published biology education researchers, which suggests the importance of providing some initial guidance to new biology education researchers.

Fortunately, educational researchers have increased their explicit use of these frameworks over time, and this is influencing educational research in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) fields. For instance, a quick search for theoretical or conceptual frameworks in the abstracts of articles in Educational Research Complete (a common database for educational research) in STEM fields demonstrates a dramatic change over the last 20 years: from only 778 articles published between 2000 and 2010 to 5703 articles published between 2010 and 2020, a more than sevenfold increase. Greater recognition of the importance of these frameworks is contributing to DBER authors being more explicit about such frameworks in their studies.

Collectively, literature reviews, theoretical frameworks, and conceptual frameworks work to guide methodological decisions and the elucidation of important findings. Each offers a different perspective on the problem of study and is an essential element in all forms of educational research. As new researchers seek to learn about these elements, they will find different resources, a variety of perspectives, and many suggestions about the construction and use of these elements. The wide range of available information can overwhelm the new researcher who just wants to learn the distinction between these elements or how to craft them adequately.

Our goal in writing this paper is not to offer specific advice about how to write these sections in scholarly work. Instead, we wanted to introduce these elements to those who are new to BER and who are interested in better distinguishing one from the other. In this paper, we share the purpose of each element in BER scholarship, along with important points on its construction. We also provide references for additional resources that may be beneficial to better understanding each element. Table 1 summarizes the key distinctions among these elements.

Comparison of literature reviews, theoretical frameworks, and conceptual reviews

This article is written for the new biology education researcher who is just learning about these different elements or for scientists looking to become more involved in BER. It is a result of our own work as science education and biology education researchers, whether as graduate students and postdoctoral scholars or newly hired and established faculty members. This is the article we wish had been available as we started to learn about these elements or discussed them with new educational researchers in biology.

LITERATURE REVIEWS

Purpose of a literature review.

A literature review is foundational to any research study in education or science. In education, a well-conceptualized and well-executed review provides a summary of the research that has already been done on a specific topic and identifies questions that remain to be answered, thus illustrating the current research project’s potential contribution to the field and the reasoning behind the methodological approach selected for the study ( Maxwell, 2012 ). BER is an evolving disciplinary area that is redefining areas of conceptual emphasis as well as orientations toward teaching and learning (e.g., Labov et al. , 2010 ; American Association for the Advancement of Science, 2011 ; Nehm, 2019 ). As a result, building comprehensive, critical, purposeful, and concise literature reviews can be a challenge for new biology education researchers.

Building Literature Reviews

There are different ways to approach and construct a literature review. Booth et al. (2016a) provide an overview that includes, for example, scoping reviews, which are focused only on notable studies and use a basic method of analysis, and integrative reviews, which are the result of exhaustive literature searches across different genres. Underlying each of these different review processes are attention to the s earch process, a ppraisa l of articles, s ynthesis of the literature, and a nalysis: SALSA ( Booth et al. , 2016a ). This useful acronym can help the researcher focus on the process while building a specific type of review.

However, new educational researchers often have questions about literature reviews that are foundational to SALSA or other approaches. Common questions concern determining which literature pertains to the topic of study or the role of the literature review in the design of the study. This section addresses such questions broadly while providing general guidance for writing a narrative literature review that evaluates the most pertinent studies.

The literature review process should begin before the research is conducted. As Boote and Beile (2005 , p. 3) suggested, researchers should be “scholars before researchers.” They point out that having a good working knowledge of the proposed topic helps illuminate avenues of study. Some subject areas have a deep body of work to read and reflect upon, providing a strong foundation for developing the research question(s). For instance, the teaching and learning of evolution is an area of long-standing interest in the BER community, generating many studies (e.g., Perry et al. , 2008 ; Barnes and Brownell, 2016 ) and reviews of research (e.g., Sickel and Friedrichsen, 2013 ; Ziadie and Andrews, 2018 ). Emerging areas of BER include the affective domain, issues of transfer, and metacognition ( Singer et al. , 2012 ). Many studies in these areas are transdisciplinary and not always specific to biology education (e.g., Rodrigo-Peiris et al. , 2018 ; Kolpikova et al. , 2019 ). These newer areas may require reading outside BER; fortunately, summaries of some of these topics can be found in the Current Insights section of the LSE website.

In focusing on a specific problem within a broader research strand, a new researcher will likely need to examine research outside BER. Depending upon the area of study, the expanded reading list might involve a mix of BER, DBER, and educational research studies. Determining the scope of the reading is not always straightforward. A simple way to focus one’s reading is to create a “summary phrase” or “research nugget,” which is a very brief descriptive statement about the study. It should focus on the essence of the study, for example, “first-year nonmajor students’ understanding of evolution,” “metacognitive prompts to enhance learning during biochemistry,” or “instructors’ inquiry-based instructional practices after professional development programming.” This type of phrase should help a new researcher identify two or more areas to review that pertain to the study. Focusing on recent research in the last 5 years is a good first step. Additional studies can be identified by reading relevant works referenced in those articles. It is also important to read seminal studies that are more than 5 years old. Reading a range of studies should give the researcher the necessary command of the subject in order to suggest a research question.

Given that the research question(s) arise from the literature review, the review should also substantiate the selected methodological approach. The review and research question(s) guide the researcher in determining how to collect and analyze data. Often the methodological approach used in a study is selected to contribute knowledge that expands upon what has been published previously about the topic (see Institute of Education Sciences and National Science Foundation, 2013 ). An emerging topic of study may need an exploratory approach that allows for a description of the phenomenon and development of a potential theory. This could, but not necessarily, require a methodological approach that uses interviews, observations, surveys, or other instruments. An extensively studied topic may call for the additional understanding of specific factors or variables; this type of study would be well suited to a verification or a causal research design. These could entail a methodological approach that uses valid and reliable instruments, observations, or interviews to determine an effect in the studied event. In either of these examples, the researcher(s) may use a qualitative, quantitative, or mixed methods methodological approach.

Even with a good research question, there is still more reading to be done. The complexity and focus of the research question dictates the depth and breadth of the literature to be examined. Questions that connect multiple topics can require broad literature reviews. For instance, a study that explores the impact of a biology faculty learning community on the inquiry instruction of faculty could have the following review areas: learning communities among biology faculty, inquiry instruction among biology faculty, and inquiry instruction among biology faculty as a result of professional learning. Biology education researchers need to consider whether their literature review requires studies from different disciplines within or outside DBER. For the example given, it would be fruitful to look at research focused on learning communities with faculty in STEM fields or in general education fields that result in instructional change. It is important not to be too narrow or too broad when reading. When the conclusions of articles start to sound similar or no new insights are gained, the researcher likely has a good foundation for a literature review. This level of reading should allow the researcher to demonstrate a mastery in understanding the researched topic, explain the suitability of the proposed research approach, and point to the need for the refined research question(s).

The literature review should include the researcher’s evaluation and critique of the selected studies. A researcher may have a large collection of studies, but not all of the studies will follow standards important in the reporting of empirical work in the social sciences. The American Educational Research Association ( Duran et al. , 2006 ), for example, offers a general discussion about standards for such work: an adequate review of research informing the study, the existence of sound and appropriate data collection and analysis methods, and appropriate conclusions that do not overstep or underexplore the analyzed data. The Institute of Education Sciences and National Science Foundation (2013) also offer Common Guidelines for Education Research and Development that can be used to evaluate collected studies.

Because not all journals adhere to such standards, it is important that a researcher review each study to determine the quality of published research, per the guidelines suggested earlier. In some instances, the research may be fatally flawed. Examples of such flaws include data that do not pertain to the question, a lack of discussion about the data collection, poorly constructed instruments, or an inadequate analysis. These types of errors result in studies that are incomplete, error-laden, or inaccurate and should be excluded from the review. Most studies have limitations, and the author(s) often make them explicit. For instance, there may be an instructor effect, recognized bias in the analysis, or issues with the sample population. Limitations are usually addressed by the research team in some way to ensure a sound and acceptable research process. Occasionally, the limitations associated with the study can be significant and not addressed adequately, which leaves a consequential decision in the hands of the researcher. Providing critiques of studies in the literature review process gives the reader confidence that the researcher has carefully examined relevant work in preparation for the study and, ultimately, the manuscript.

A solid literature review clearly anchors the proposed study in the field and connects the research question(s), the methodological approach, and the discussion. Reviewing extant research leads to research questions that will contribute to what is known in the field. By summarizing what is known, the literature review points to what needs to be known, which in turn guides decisions about methodology. Finally, notable findings of the new study are discussed in reference to those described in the literature review.

Within published BER studies, literature reviews can be placed in different locations in an article. When included in the introductory section of the study, the first few paragraphs of the manuscript set the stage, with the literature review following the opening paragraphs. Cooper et al. (2019) illustrate this approach in their study of course-based undergraduate research experiences (CUREs). An introduction discussing the potential of CURES is followed by an analysis of the existing literature relevant to the design of CUREs that allows for novel student discoveries. Within this review, the authors point out contradictory findings among research on novel student discoveries. This clarifies the need for their study, which is described and highlighted through specific research aims.

A literature reviews can also make up a separate section in a paper. For example, the introduction to Todd et al. (2019) illustrates the need for their research topic by highlighting the potential of learning progressions (LPs) and suggesting that LPs may help mitigate learning loss in genetics. At the end of the introduction, the authors state their specific research questions. The review of literature following this opening section comprises two subsections. One focuses on learning loss in general and examines a variety of studies and meta-analyses from the disciplines of medical education, mathematics, and reading. The second section focuses specifically on LPs in genetics and highlights student learning in the midst of LPs. These separate reviews provide insights into the stated research question.

Suggestions and Advice

A well-conceptualized, comprehensive, and critical literature review reveals the understanding of the topic that the researcher brings to the study. Literature reviews should not be so big that there is no clear area of focus; nor should they be so narrow that no real research question arises. The task for a researcher is to craft an efficient literature review that offers a critical analysis of published work, articulates the need for the study, guides the methodological approach to the topic of study, and provides an adequate foundation for the discussion of the findings.

In our own writing of literature reviews, there are often many drafts. An early draft may seem well suited to the study because the need for and approach to the study are well described. However, as the results of the study are analyzed and findings begin to emerge, the existing literature review may be inadequate and need revision. The need for an expanded discussion about the research area can result in the inclusion of new studies that support the explanation of a potential finding. The literature review may also prove to be too broad. Refocusing on a specific area allows for more contemplation of a finding.

It should be noted that there are different types of literature reviews, and many books and articles have been written about the different ways to embark on these types of reviews. Among these different resources, the following may be helpful in considering how to refine the review process for scholarly journals:

• Booth, A., Sutton, A., & Papaioannou, D. (2016a). Systemic approaches to a successful literature review (2nd ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Sage. This book addresses different types of literature reviews and offers important suggestions pertaining to defining the scope of the literature review and assessing extant studies.
• Booth, W. C., Colomb, G. G., Williams, J. M., Bizup, J., & Fitzgerald, W. T. (2016b). The craft of research (4th ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. This book can help the novice consider how to make the case for an area of study. While this book is not specifically about literature reviews, it offers suggestions about making the case for your study.
• Galvan, J. L., & Galvan, M. C. (2017). Writing literature reviews: A guide for students of the social and behavioral sciences (7th ed.). Routledge. This book offers guidance on writing different types of literature reviews. For the novice researcher, there are useful suggestions for creating coherent literature reviews.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS

Purpose of theoretical frameworks.

As new education researchers may be less familiar with theoretical frameworks than with literature reviews, this discussion begins with an analogy. Envision a biologist, chemist, and physicist examining together the dramatic effect of a fog tsunami over the ocean. A biologist gazing at this phenomenon may be concerned with the effect of fog on various species. A chemist may be interested in the chemical composition of the fog as water vapor condenses around bits of salt. A physicist may be focused on the refraction of light to make fog appear to be “sitting” above the ocean. While observing the same “objective event,” the scientists are operating under different theoretical frameworks that provide a particular perspective or “lens” for the interpretation of the phenomenon. Each of these scientists brings specialized knowledge, experiences, and values to this phenomenon, and these influence the interpretation of the phenomenon. The scientists’ theoretical frameworks influence how they design and carry out their studies and interpret their data.

Within an educational study, a theoretical framework helps to explain a phenomenon through a particular lens and challenges and extends existing knowledge within the limitations of that lens. Theoretical frameworks are explicitly stated by an educational researcher in the paper’s framework, theory, or relevant literature section. The framework shapes the types of questions asked, guides the method by which data are collected and analyzed, and informs the discussion of the results of the study. It also reveals the researcher’s subjectivities, for example, values, social experience, and viewpoint ( Allen, 2017 ). It is essential that a novice researcher learn to explicitly state a theoretical framework, because all research questions are being asked from the researcher’s implicit or explicit assumptions of a phenomenon of interest ( Schwandt, 2000 ).

Selecting Theoretical Frameworks

Theoretical frameworks are one of the most contemplated elements in our work in educational research. In this section, we share three important considerations for new scholars selecting a theoretical framework.

The first step in identifying a theoretical framework involves reflecting on the phenomenon within the study and the assumptions aligned with the phenomenon. The phenomenon involves the studied event. There are many possibilities, for example, student learning, instructional approach, or group organization. A researcher holds assumptions about how the phenomenon will be effected, influenced, changed, or portrayed. It is ultimately the researcher’s assumption(s) about the phenomenon that aligns with a theoretical framework. An example can help illustrate how a researcher’s reflection on the phenomenon and acknowledgment of assumptions can result in the identification of a theoretical framework.

In our example, a biology education researcher may be interested in exploring how students’ learning of difficult biological concepts can be supported by the interactions of group members. The phenomenon of interest is the interactions among the peers, and the researcher assumes that more knowledgeable students are important in supporting the learning of the group. As a result, the researcher may draw on Vygotsky’s (1978) sociocultural theory of learning and development that is focused on the phenomenon of student learning in a social setting. This theory posits the critical nature of interactions among students and between students and teachers in the process of building knowledge. A researcher drawing upon this framework holds the assumption that learning is a dynamic social process involving questions and explanations among students in the classroom and that more knowledgeable peers play an important part in the process of building conceptual knowledge.

It is important to state at this point that there are many different theoretical frameworks. Some frameworks focus on learning and knowing, while other theoretical frameworks focus on equity, empowerment, or discourse. Some frameworks are well articulated, and others are still being refined. For a new researcher, it can be challenging to find a theoretical framework. Two of the best ways to look for theoretical frameworks is through published works that highlight different frameworks.

When a theoretical framework is selected, it should clearly connect to all parts of the study. The framework should augment the study by adding a perspective that provides greater insights into the phenomenon. It should clearly align with the studies described in the literature review. For instance, a framework focused on learning would correspond to research that reported different learning outcomes for similar studies. The methods for data collection and analysis should also correspond to the framework. For instance, a study about instructional interventions could use a theoretical framework concerned with learning and could collect data about the effect of the intervention on what is learned. When the data are analyzed, the theoretical framework should provide added meaning to the findings, and the findings should align with the theoretical framework.

A study by Jensen and Lawson (2011) provides an example of how a theoretical framework connects different parts of the study. They compared undergraduate biology students in heterogeneous and homogeneous groups over the course of a semester. Jensen and Lawson (2011) assumed that learning involved collaboration and more knowledgeable peers, which made Vygotsky’s (1978) theory a good fit for their study. They predicted that students in heterogeneous groups would experience greater improvement in their reasoning abilities and science achievements with much of the learning guided by the more knowledgeable peers.

In the enactment of the study, they collected data about the instruction in traditional and inquiry-oriented classes, while the students worked in homogeneous or heterogeneous groups. To determine the effect of working in groups, the authors also measured students’ reasoning abilities and achievement. Each data-collection and analysis decision connected to understanding the influence of collaborative work.

Their findings highlighted aspects of Vygotsky’s (1978) theory of learning. One finding, for instance, posited that inquiry instruction, as a whole, resulted in reasoning and achievement gains. This links to Vygotsky (1978) , because inquiry instruction involves interactions among group members. A more nuanced finding was that group composition had a conditional effect. Heterogeneous groups performed better with more traditional and didactic instruction, regardless of the reasoning ability of the group members. Homogeneous groups worked better during interaction-rich activities for students with low reasoning ability. The authors attributed the variation to the different types of helping behaviors of students. High-performing students provided the answers, while students with low reasoning ability had to work collectively through the material. In terms of Vygotsky (1978) , this finding provided new insights into the learning context in which productive interactions can occur for students.

Another consideration in the selection and use of a theoretical framework pertains to its orientation to the study. This can result in the theoretical framework prioritizing individuals, institutions, and/or policies ( Anfara and Mertz, 2014 ). Frameworks that connect to individuals, for instance, could contribute to understanding their actions, learning, or knowledge. Institutional frameworks, on the other hand, offer insights into how institutions, organizations, or groups can influence individuals or materials. Policy theories provide ways to understand how national or local policies can dictate an emphasis on outcomes or instructional design. These different types of frameworks highlight different aspects in an educational setting, which influences the design of the study and the collection of data. In addition, these different frameworks offer a way to make sense of the data. Aligning the data collection and analysis with the framework ensures that a study is coherent and can contribute to the field.

New understandings emerge when different theoretical frameworks are used. For instance, Ebert-May et al. (2015) prioritized the individual level within conceptual change theory (see Posner et al. , 1982 ). In this theory, an individual’s knowledge changes when it no longer fits the phenomenon. Ebert-May et al. (2015) designed a professional development program challenging biology postdoctoral scholars’ existing conceptions of teaching. The authors reported that the biology postdoctoral scholars’ teaching practices became more student-centered as they were challenged to explain their instructional decision making. According to the theory, the biology postdoctoral scholars’ dissatisfaction in their descriptions of teaching and learning initiated change in their knowledge and instruction. These results reveal how conceptual change theory can explain the learning of participants and guide the design of professional development programming.

The communities of practice (CoP) theoretical framework ( Lave, 1988 ; Wenger, 1998 ) prioritizes the institutional level , suggesting that learning occurs when individuals learn from and contribute to the communities in which they reside. Grounded in the assumption of community learning, the literature on CoP suggests that, as individuals interact regularly with the other members of their group, they learn about the rules, roles, and goals of the community ( Allee, 2000 ). A study conducted by Gehrke and Kezar (2017) used the CoP framework to understand organizational change by examining the involvement of individual faculty engaged in a cross-institutional CoP focused on changing the instructional practice of faculty at each institution. In the CoP, faculty members were involved in enhancing instructional materials within their department, which aligned with an overarching goal of instituting instruction that embraced active learning. Not surprisingly, Gehrke and Kezar (2017) revealed that faculty who perceived the community culture as important in their work cultivated institutional change. Furthermore, they found that institutional change was sustained when key leaders served as mentors and provided support for faculty, and as faculty themselves developed into leaders. This study reveals the complexity of individual roles in a COP in order to support institutional instructional change.

It is important to explicitly state the theoretical framework used in a study, but elucidating a theoretical framework can be challenging for a new educational researcher. The literature review can help to identify an applicable theoretical framework. Focal areas of the review or central terms often connect to assumptions and assertions associated with the framework that pertain to the phenomenon of interest. Another way to identify a theoretical framework is self-reflection by the researcher on personal beliefs and understandings about the nature of knowledge the researcher brings to the study ( Lysaght, 2011 ). In stating one’s beliefs and understandings related to the study (e.g., students construct their knowledge, instructional materials support learning), an orientation becomes evident that will suggest a particular theoretical framework. Theoretical frameworks are not arbitrary , but purposefully selected.

With experience, a researcher may find expanded roles for theoretical frameworks. Researchers may revise an existing framework that has limited explanatory power, or they may decide there is a need to develop a new theoretical framework. These frameworks can emerge from a current study or the need to explain a phenomenon in a new way. Researchers may also find that multiple theoretical frameworks are necessary to frame and explore a problem, as different frameworks can provide different insights into a problem.

Finally, it is important to recognize that choosing “x” theoretical framework does not necessarily mean a researcher chooses “y” methodology and so on, nor is there a clear-cut, linear process in selecting a theoretical framework for one’s study. In part, the nonlinear process of identifying a theoretical framework is what makes understanding and using theoretical frameworks challenging. For the novice scholar, contemplating and understanding theoretical frameworks is essential. Fortunately, there are articles and books that can help:

• Creswell, J. W. (2018). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches (5th ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Sage. This book provides an overview of theoretical frameworks in general educational research.
• Ding, L. (2019). Theoretical perspectives of quantitative physics education research. Physical Review Physics Education Research , 15 (2), 020101-1–020101-13. This paper illustrates how a DBER field can use theoretical frameworks.
• Nehm, R. (2019). Biology education research: Building integrative frameworks for teaching and learning about living systems. Disciplinary and Interdisciplinary Science Education Research , 1 , ar15. https://doi.org/10.1186/s43031-019-0017-6 . This paper articulates the need for studies in BER to explicitly state theoretical frameworks and provides examples of potential studies.
• Patton, M. Q. (2015). Qualitative research & evaluation methods: Integrating theory and practice . Sage. This book also provides an overview of theoretical frameworks, but for both research and evaluation.

CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS

Purpose of a conceptual framework.

A conceptual framework is a description of the way a researcher understands the factors and/or variables that are involved in the study and their relationships to one another. The purpose of a conceptual framework is to articulate the concepts under study using relevant literature ( Rocco and Plakhotnik, 2009 ) and to clarify the presumed relationships among those concepts ( Rocco and Plakhotnik, 2009 ; Anfara and Mertz, 2014 ). Conceptual frameworks are different from theoretical frameworks in both their breadth and grounding in established findings. Whereas a theoretical framework articulates the lens through which a researcher views the work, the conceptual framework is often more mechanistic and malleable.

Conceptual frameworks are broader, encompassing both established theories (i.e., theoretical frameworks) and the researchers’ own emergent ideas. Emergent ideas, for example, may be rooted in informal and/or unpublished observations from experience. These emergent ideas would not be considered a “theory” if they are not yet tested, supported by systematically collected evidence, and peer reviewed. However, they do still play an important role in the way researchers approach their studies. The conceptual framework allows authors to clearly describe their emergent ideas so that connections among ideas in the study and the significance of the study are apparent to readers.

Constructing Conceptual Frameworks

Including a conceptual framework in a research study is important, but researchers often opt to include either a conceptual or a theoretical framework. Either may be adequate, but both provide greater insight into the research approach. For instance, a research team plans to test a novel component of an existing theory. In their study, they describe the existing theoretical framework that informs their work and then present their own conceptual framework. Within this conceptual framework, specific topics portray emergent ideas that are related to the theory. Describing both frameworks allows readers to better understand the researchers’ assumptions, orientations, and understanding of concepts being investigated. For example, Connolly et al. (2018) included a conceptual framework that described how they applied a theoretical framework of social cognitive career theory (SCCT) to their study on teaching programs for doctoral students. In their conceptual framework, the authors described SCCT, explained how it applied to the investigation, and drew upon results from previous studies to justify the proposed connections between the theory and their emergent ideas.

In some cases, authors may be able to sufficiently describe their conceptualization of the phenomenon under study in an introduction alone, without a separate conceptual framework section. However, incomplete descriptions of how the researchers conceptualize the components of the study may limit the significance of the study by making the research less intelligible to readers. This is especially problematic when studying topics in which researchers use the same terms for different constructs or different terms for similar and overlapping constructs (e.g., inquiry, teacher beliefs, pedagogical content knowledge, or active learning). Authors must describe their conceptualization of a construct if the research is to be understandable and useful.

There are some key areas to consider regarding the inclusion of a conceptual framework in a study. To begin with, it is important to recognize that conceptual frameworks are constructed by the researchers conducting the study ( Rocco and Plakhotnik, 2009 ; Maxwell, 2012 ). This is different from theoretical frameworks that are often taken from established literature. Researchers should bring together ideas from the literature, but they may be influenced by their own experiences as a student and/or instructor, the shared experiences of others, or thought experiments as they construct a description, model, or representation of their understanding of the phenomenon under study. This is an exercise in intellectual organization and clarity that often considers what is learned, known, and experienced. The conceptual framework makes these constructs explicitly visible to readers, who may have different understandings of the phenomenon based on their prior knowledge and experience. There is no single method to go about this intellectual work.

Reeves et al. (2016) is an example of an article that proposed a conceptual framework about graduate teaching assistant professional development evaluation and research. The authors used existing literature to create a novel framework that filled a gap in current research and practice related to the training of graduate teaching assistants. This conceptual framework can guide the systematic collection of data by other researchers because the framework describes the relationships among various factors that influence teaching and learning. The Reeves et al. (2016) conceptual framework may be modified as additional data are collected and analyzed by other researchers. This is not uncommon, as conceptual frameworks can serve as catalysts for concerted research efforts that systematically explore a phenomenon (e.g., Reynolds et al. , 2012 ; Brownell and Kloser, 2015 ).

Sabel et al. (2017) used a conceptual framework in their exploration of how scaffolds, an external factor, interact with internal factors to support student learning. Their conceptual framework integrated principles from two theoretical frameworks, self-regulated learning and metacognition, to illustrate how the research team conceptualized students’ use of scaffolds in their learning ( Figure 1 ). Sabel et al. (2017) created this model using their interpretations of these two frameworks in the context of their teaching.

Conceptual framework from Sabel et al. (2017) .

A conceptual framework should describe the relationship among components of the investigation ( Anfara and Mertz, 2014 ). These relationships should guide the researcher’s methods of approaching the study ( Miles et al. , 2014 ) and inform both the data to be collected and how those data should be analyzed. Explicitly describing the connections among the ideas allows the researcher to justify the importance of the study and the rigor of the research design. Just as importantly, these frameworks help readers understand why certain components of a system were not explored in the study. This is a challenge in education research, which is rooted in complex environments with many variables that are difficult to control.

For example, Sabel et al. (2017) stated: “Scaffolds, such as enhanced answer keys and reflection questions, can help students and instructors bridge the external and internal factors and support learning” (p. 3). They connected the scaffolds in the study to the three dimensions of metacognition and the eventual transformation of existing ideas into new or revised ideas. Their framework provides a rationale for focusing on how students use two different scaffolds, and not on other factors that may influence a student’s success (self-efficacy, use of active learning, exam format, etc.).

In constructing conceptual frameworks, researchers should address needed areas of study and/or contradictions discovered in literature reviews. By attending to these areas, researchers can strengthen their arguments for the importance of a study. For instance, conceptual frameworks can address how the current study will fill gaps in the research, resolve contradictions in existing literature, or suggest a new area of study. While a literature review describes what is known and not known about the phenomenon, the conceptual framework leverages these gaps in describing the current study ( Maxwell, 2012 ). In the example of Sabel et al. (2017) , the authors indicated there was a gap in the literature regarding how scaffolds engage students in metacognition to promote learning in large classes. Their study helps fill that gap by describing how scaffolds can support students in the three dimensions of metacognition: intelligibility, plausibility, and wide applicability. In another example, Lane (2016) integrated research from science identity, the ethic of care, the sense of belonging, and an expertise model of student success to form a conceptual framework that addressed the critiques of other frameworks. In a more recent example, Sbeglia et al. (2021) illustrated how a conceptual framework influences the methodological choices and inferences in studies by educational researchers.

Sometimes researchers draw upon the conceptual frameworks of other researchers. When a researcher’s conceptual framework closely aligns with an existing framework, the discussion may be brief. For example, Ghee et al. (2016) referred to portions of SCCT as their conceptual framework to explain the significance of their work on students’ self-efficacy and career interests. Because the authors’ conceptualization of this phenomenon aligned with a previously described framework, they briefly mentioned the conceptual framework and provided additional citations that provided more detail for the readers.

Within both the BER and the broader DBER communities, conceptual frameworks have been used to describe different constructs. For example, some researchers have used the term “conceptual framework” to describe students’ conceptual understandings of a biological phenomenon. This is distinct from a researcher’s conceptual framework of the educational phenomenon under investigation, which may also need to be explicitly described in the article. Other studies have presented a research logic model or flowchart of the research design as a conceptual framework. These constructions can be quite valuable in helping readers understand the data-collection and analysis process. However, a model depicting the study design does not serve the same role as a conceptual framework. Researchers need to avoid conflating these constructs by differentiating the researchers’ conceptual framework that guides the study from the research design, when applicable.

Explicitly describing conceptual frameworks is essential in depicting the focus of the study. We have found that being explicit in a conceptual framework means using accepted terminology, referencing prior work, and clearly noting connections between terms. This description can also highlight gaps in the literature or suggest potential contributions to the field of study. A well-elucidated conceptual framework can suggest additional studies that may be warranted. This can also spur other researchers to consider how they would approach the examination of a phenomenon and could result in a revised conceptual framework.

It can be challenging to create conceptual frameworks, but they are important. Below are two resources that could be helpful in constructing and presenting conceptual frameworks in educational research:

• Maxwell, J. A. (2012). Qualitative research design: An interactive approach (3rd ed.). Los Angeles, CA: Sage. Chapter 3 in this book describes how to construct conceptual frameworks.
• Ravitch, S. M., & Riggan, M. (2016). Reason & rigor: How conceptual frameworks guide research . Los Angeles, CA: Sage. This book explains how conceptual frameworks guide the research questions, data collection, data analyses, and interpretation of results.

CONCLUDING THOUGHTS

Literature reviews, theoretical frameworks, and conceptual frameworks are all important in DBER and BER. Robust literature reviews reinforce the importance of a study. Theoretical frameworks connect the study to the base of knowledge in educational theory and specify the researcher’s assumptions. Conceptual frameworks allow researchers to explicitly describe their conceptualization of the relationships among the components of the phenomenon under study. Table 1 provides a general overview of these components in order to assist biology education researchers in thinking about these elements.

It is important to emphasize that these different elements are intertwined. When these elements are aligned and complement one another, the study is coherent, and the study findings contribute to knowledge in the field. When literature reviews, theoretical frameworks, and conceptual frameworks are disconnected from one another, the study suffers. The point of the study is lost, suggested findings are unsupported, or important conclusions are invisible to the researcher. In addition, this misalignment may be costly in terms of time and money.

Conducting a literature review, selecting a theoretical framework, and building a conceptual framework are some of the most difficult elements of a research study. It takes time to understand the relevant research, identify a theoretical framework that provides important insights into the study, and formulate a conceptual framework that organizes the finding. In the research process, there is often a constant back and forth among these elements as the study evolves. With an ongoing refinement of the review of literature, clarification of the theoretical framework, and articulation of a conceptual framework, a sound study can emerge that makes a contribution to the field. This is the goal of BER and education research.

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Empirical Research

Introduction, what is empirical research, attribution.

• Finding Empirical Research in Library Databases
• Designing Empirical Research
• Case Sudies

Empirical research is based on observed and measured phenomena and derives knowledge from actual experience rather than from theory or belief. 

How do you know if a study is empirical? Read the subheadings within the article, book, or report and look for a description of the research "methodology."  Ask yourself: Could I recreate this study and test these results?

Key characteristics to look for:

• Specific research questions to be answered
• Definition of the population, behavior, or   phenomena being studied
• Description of the process used to study this population or phenomena, including selection criteria, controls, and testing instruments (such as surveys)

Another hint: some scholarly journals use a specific layout, called the "IMRaD" format, to communicate empirical research findings. Such articles typically have 4 components:

• Introduction : sometimes called "literature review" -- what is currently known about the topic -- usually includes a theoretical framework and/or discussion of previous studies
• Methodology: sometimes called "research design" -- how to recreate the study -- usually describes the population, research process, and analytical tools
• Results : sometimes called "findings" -- what was learned through the study -- usually appears as statistical data or as substantial quotations from research participants
• Discussion : sometimes called "conclusion" or "implications" -- why the study is important -- usually describes how the research results influence professional practices or future studies

Portions of this guide were built using suggestions from other libraries, including Penn State and Utah State University libraries.

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Review of empirical literature

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In this section, the author will review the relevant empirical literature. He will begin with an overview of empirical studies undertaken on both sectors (see Table 3-1). This overview will be brief and concise to on the one hand provide some insight into research foci to date but on the other to avoid redundancies: Any sector-specific research that is relevant to the present study will be discussed in more detail in the coming subsections, in which previous research in the study’s key concepts will be reviewed.

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Attitudes towards CSR were also investigated by e.g. Arlow et al. (1982), Bowman (1977) Holmes (1976) and Rojsek (2001).

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A high ratio is seen as an indicator of firms that work close to capacity, and thus may be more concerned with reengineering and restructuring than environmental issues (Henriques et al., 1996).

Other relevant studies include those of Elkington (1994), Mathieu (2002) and Dunn (2002).

Methodologies comprised correlation, regression and portfolio analysis (e.g. Bowman & Haire, 1975; Bragdon & Marlin, 1972; Campbell & Soderstrom, 1996; Davidson III & Worrel, 1990; Dowell, Hart, & Yeung, 2000; Hillman & Keim, 2001; Kiernan, 2001; McGuire, Sundgren, & Schneeweis, 1988; Pava & Krausz, 1996; Preston et al., 1997; Ruf, Muralidhar, Brown, Janney, & Paul, 2001; Stanwick & Stanwick, 1998b; Stanwick et al., 1998a; Verschoor, 1999, 2002), and event studies (Frooman, 1997; Innovest, 2002a).

Several control variables were proposed, including the national level and approach of environmental regulation, firm size, and industry market structure (Wagner et al., 2001)

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(2008). Review of empirical literature. In: Corporate Sustainability Management in the Energy Sector. Gabler. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-8349-8132-5_3

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Many people will experience a potentially traumatic event in their lifetime and a minority will go on to develop post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). A wealth of literature explores different trajectories of PTSD, focusing mostly on resilient, chronic, recovered and delayed-onset trajectories. Less is known about other potential trajectories such as recurring episodes of PTSD after initial recovery, and to date there has been no estimate of what percentage of those who initially recover from PTSD later go on to experience a recurrence. This systematic review aimed to synthesise existing literature to identify (i) how ‘recurrence’ of PTSD is defined in the literature; (ii) the prevalence of recurrent episodes of PTSD; and (iii) factors associated with recurrence.

A literature search of five electronic databases identified primary, quantitative studies relevant to the research aims. Reference lists of studies meeting pre-defined inclusion criteria were also hand-searched. Relevant data were extracted systematically from the included studies and results are reported narratively.

Searches identified 5,398 studies, and 35 were deemed relevant to the aims of the review. Results showed there is little consensus in the terminology or definitions used to refer to recurrence of PTSD. Because recurrence was defined and measured in different ways across the literature, and prevalence rates were reported in numerous different ways, it was not possible to perform meta-analysis to estimate the prevalence of recurrence. We also found no consistent evidence regarding predictors of PTSD recurrence.

A clear and consistent evidence-based definition of recurrence is urgently needed before the prevalence and predictors of recurrence can be truly understood.

Peer Review reports

Potentially traumatic events are common. Research suggests that over 70% of people will experience a potentially traumatic event (such as witnessing death or serious injury, automobile accident, life-threatening illness or injury, or violent encounter) in their lifetime [ 1 ]. Understandably, these events can be very distressing in the short-term and many people will experience acute post-traumatic symptoms in the immediate aftermath of a traumatic event, including intrusive symptoms (e.g. recurrent unwanted thoughts, nightmares); avoidance symptoms (e.g. emotional numbing, social withdrawing); hyperarousal (e.g. easily startled, feeling ‘on edge’); and physical symptoms (e.g. chest pain, dizziness) [ 2 ]. For the majority, these symptoms will decline naturally without intervention [ 3 ], typically within the first four weeks [ 2 ]. An important minority will find their symptoms persist for longer than a month. Those who continue to experience persistent re-experiencing of the traumatic event; avoidance of stimuli associated with the event; negative alterations in cognitions and mood and alterations in arousal and reactivity, causing clinical distress or functional impairment and not attributable to any other medical condition, are likely to be diagnosed with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) [ 4 ]. Although only a minority of people who experience potentially traumatic events will go on to develop PTSD, it remains one of the most common mental disorders with lifetime prevalence estimated to be between 8% [ 5 ] and 12% [ 6 ]. PTSD is associated with reduced health-related quality of life and physical comorbidities, as well as major socio-economic costs [ 7 ].

The early 2000s saw a shift from studying PTSD itself as an outcome to studying change in symptoms as an outcome [ 8 ], with a wealth of studies using modelling approaches such as latent class growth analysis and latent growth mixture modelling to identify different trajectories of PTSD. Most of this literature identifies four trajectories, two of which are relatively stable trajectories ( chronic , a stable trajectory of post-traumatic stress symptoms, and resilient , a stable trajectory of healthy functioning after an adverse event), and two which display dynamic symptom patterns ( recovered , i.e. decreasing symptoms after an initial diagnosis of PTSD, and delayed-onset , i.e. increasing symptoms not meeting the diagnostic criteria for PTSD until potentially months or even years after traumatic exposure) [ 9 ]. Van de Schoot et al. [ 10 ] suggest that the two trajectories which typically occur less often (chronic and delayed-onset) are at risk of being overlooked by researchers or overwhelmed within the data by the larger trajectories. There may also be other less-researched or less-understood trajectories overlooked to an even greater extent. For example, one previous review [ 11 ] identified limited evidence of another, smaller trajectory referred to as a ‘relapsing’ or ‘recurring’ PTSD trajectory, in which individuals develop PTSD, are free from symptoms for long enough to be considered ‘recovered’, and then experience a recurrence of symptoms.

Recurrence is given relatively little attention in the PTSD literature, perhaps due to limitations of study methodologies and the complexities of studying recurrence. For example, Santiago et al. [ 11 ] note that few studies of PTSD follow participants for more than a year or with more than two assessments. Clearly, it would not be possible for researchers to identify recurrence of PTSD if data is only collected for two time-points: the only possible outcomes would be low symptom levels at each time-point (‘resilience’), high symptoms at each time-point (‘chronic’), or low level of symptoms at one time-point and a high level at the other (either ‘recovery’ or ‘delayed-onset’ depending on time-point at which symptoms were experienced). Additionally, studies which only follow up participants for a year or less are unlikely to clearly identify a recurrent trajectory of PTSD given the time needed to both recover and to experience a recurrent episode. The timing of PTSD assessment is also important: identification of PTSD recurrence relies on studies capturing the presence of symptoms during the recurrence, rather than before it occurs or after recurring symptoms have subsided. Therefore, it is perhaps unsurprising that the majority of the literature does not identify a ‘recurring’ trajectory of PTSD. Even studies which do identify recurrences often group these in with other trajectories: for example, Mota et al. [ 12 ] identified ‘recurrent’ cases of PTSD (individuals who had a lifetime diagnosis in 2002 and another post-2002 diagnosis reported in 2018), but grouped ‘persistent’ and ‘recurrent’ cases of PTSD together. Magruder et al. [ 13 ] identified a group of recurrent cases of PTSD – individuals who had lifetime PTSD pre-1992 but not a current diagnosis in 2002, who then had a diagnosis again in 2021, but these were grouped with ‘chronic’ cases. Karamustafalioglu et al. [ 14 ] simply include an ‘other’ group constituting both recurrent cases (individuals who met the criteria for PTSD diagnosis 1–3 months post-trauma and at the third follow-up 18–20 months post-trauma, but not at the second follow-up 6–10 months post-trauma) and others with delayed-onset PTSD which resolved. Boe et al. [ 15 ] identified a group of individuals with ‘reactivated’ PTSD who reported remission from PTSD in the first five years after the North Sea oil rig disaster of 1980 and a new episode at any point between 1985 and 2007. However, the authors suggest that there are blurred boundaries between delayed-onset and ‘reactivated’ PTSD, going on to include ‘possible delayed cases’ in their analysis of reactivated PTSD.

It is important to note that even the definitions of the more well-established trajectories of PTSD are not without their controversies. For example, Andrews et al. [ 16 ] point out the ambiguity in the criterion for delayed-onset PTSD, questioning whether ‘the onset of symptoms’ refers to any symptoms which might eventually lead to PTSD or only to full-blown PTSD itself. North et al. [ 17 ] comment on the ambiguities involved in the term remission (i.e. whether remission should be symptom-based or threshold-based) as well as the term onset (i.e. whether onset refers to first symptoms or first meeting diagnostic criteria). Definition of recovery also appears to differ from study to study, with some authors considering recovery to be symptom-based (i.e. no symptoms of the disorder remain) and others considering it to be threshold-based (i.e. some symptoms may remain, but they are beneath the diagnostic threshold) [ 18 ].

To date, several systematic reviews have been published which focus solely on only one PTSD trajectory. For example, previous reviews have focused on the delayed-onset trajectory [ 16 , 19 ]; the recovery trajectory [ 20 ]; and the resilient trajectory [ 21 ]. To date there has not been a literature review examining evidence of a recurrent trajectory of PTSD. Berge et al. [ 22 ] aimed to systematically review research on relapse in veterans but found no studies reporting actual rates of relapse or recurrence. Reviews have also explored the risk of relapse of various anxiety disorders, including PTSD, after discontinuation of antidepressants [ 23 ] and after cognitive behavioural therapy [ 24 ]. However, there have been no reviews attempting to quantify the risk of PTSD recurring, establish the predictors of recurrence, or quantify how much each predictive factor contributes to the risk of recurrence. The current review aimed to fill this gap in the literature by synthesising existing published data on how researchers define ‘recurrence’ of PTSD, recurrence rates of PTSD, and predictive factors of recurrence.

Having an appropriate understanding of recurrence is important as the concept needs to be properly understood in order to take steps to mitigate the risks of recurrent PTSD episodes. Mitigating the risk of PTSD recurring could benefit the health and wellbeing of trauma-exposed individuals and could reduce the socio-economic costs to the wider society [ 7 ]. The prevalence of recurrence is of particular importance to occupational medicine: regularly trauma-exposed organisations, for example, are often faced with decisions about when (and if) staff who have had and recovered from PTSD should return to the frontline duties. Understanding the risk of recurrent episodes may therefore have implications for those in charge of making such decisions. The present time is also a particularly relevant time to develop our understanding of recurrence of PTSD, as it is possible that the COVID-19 pandemic could contribute to recurrence. The pandemic has been declared a potential traumatic stressor, with research suggesting that COVID-19 survivors are at elevated risk of experiencing PTSD [ 25 ] and that PTSD symptoms may also develop due to quarantine [ 26 ], concerns about the health of loved ones, or economic loss as a result of the pandemic [ 27 ]. Hori et al. [ 28 ] suggest that the daily television updates regarding COVID-19 could trigger memories of surviving a previous traumatic situation, and exacerbate subthreshold PTSD symptoms. Therefore, experiencing the pandemic could potentially cause a recurrence of symptoms in people who have previously been diagnosed with PTSD.

The aim of this review was to collate literature which provides evidence of the lesser-studied ‘recurrent’ trajectory of PTSD and to identify: (i) the definitions of ‘recurrence’ used throughout the literature; (ii) prevalence of recurrence; and (iii) risk and protective factors for the recurrent trajectory of PTSD.

This review followed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines [ 29 ]. Our population of interest were people who had been diagnosed with, recovered from, and experienced a recurrence of PTSD (as diagnosed by a clinician or validated PTSD assessment tool). For the aim relating to prevalence of recurrent episodes, studies needed to involve a suitable design allowing prevalence to be assessed: for example, studies involving a population of people who had recovered from PTSD, followed over time to show how many had a recurrent episode and how many did not. For the other aims (i.e., definitions of recurrence and factors associated with recurrence), a comparison group was not necessary.

Registering the review

A protocol for the current review was developed and registered with PROSPERO on March 9th 2023 (registration number CRD42023405752). The only deviation from the protocol was the addition of another quality appraisal tool, due to finding a study design (retrospective analysis of existing health data) which we had not anticipated.

Eligibility criteria

To be included in the review, studies needed to (1) be published in peer-reviewed journals, (2) be published in the English language, (3) use quantitative methodology, (4) use a standardised tool to assess PTSD and (5) present data on recurrence rates of PTSD and/or factors associated with PTSD recurrence. There were no limitations relating to publication date or location of the studies. Case studies were excluded but there were no other exclusion criteria relating to population size.

Data searching and screening

A systematic literature search was carried out to examine definitions, prevalence rates and predictors of PTSD recurrence. Four electronic databases (Embase, PsycInfo, Medline and Web of Science) were searched on 24th November 2022, using a combination of search terms relating to PTSD, recurrence, and prevalence/predictors which were combined using Boolean operators. The full list of search terms is presented in Appendix 1 . The US Department of Veterans Affairs National Center for Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder’s PTSDPubs database (formerly PILOTS) was searched separately on the same date using the individual terms ‘recurrence’ and ‘recurrent’ and limited to peer-reviewed articles. Reference lists of articles deemed to meet the inclusion criteria were also hand-searched.

All citations resulting from the literature searches were downloaded to an EndNote library where duplicates were removed. The titles of all citations were then screened for relevance to the review, with any clearly not relevant being excluded. Abstracts were then screened for eligibility and the full texts of all remaining citations after abstract screening were located and read in their entirety to identify studies meeting all inclusion criteria. The literature searches and screening were carried out by the first author. The two authors met regularly throughout the screening process to discuss any uncertainties about inclusion or exclusion until a decision was reached.

Data extraction

The first author carried out data extraction of all citations deemed to meet the inclusion criteria. Data were extracted to a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet with the following headings: authors, year of publication, country, study design, sampling method, inclusion/exclusion criteria, study population size, socio-demographic characteristics of participants, type of trauma exposure, time-points at which PTSD was assessed, tools for assessing PTSD, definitions of recovery and recurrence, whether any PTSD treatment was received, prevalence rates of recurrence, and factors examined as potential predictors of recurrence.

Data synthesis

For the first aim of the review (relating to definitions of recurrence), we designed a table to present data relating to how ‘recurrence’ was understood and defined in each study. The tools used to diagnose and measure PTSD symptoms in the first place are important in understanding how PTSD is defined, so first the assessment tools used in each study were extracted into the table. Given that we wanted to understand the length of time an individual needs to be free of PTSD in order to be considered ‘recovered’, for each study we also included the time-points of PTSD assessment in the table. Next, we included the definitions of recovery and recurrence from each study, explained narratively in the table. We also added information to this table to report whether participants had received PTSD treatment during each study, as some studies focusing on interventions used ‘response to treatment’ in their definitions of recovery. We compared the different definitions used within the studies to establish whether there was consensus within the literature around (i) whether recovery and recurrence are symptom-based or threshold-based and (ii) how long the recovery period between initial diagnosis and recurrent episodes needs to be in order to be considered recurrent rather than chronic PTSD.

The second aim related to prevalence of PTSD recurrence. Due to the various research designs and definitions of ‘recurrence’ in the literature, as well as the different ways in which prevalence was reported, meta-analytic techniques could not be used. Rather, we presented the prevalence data as it was reported in each study. This sometimes meant presenting the prevalence of PTSD recurrence within an entire trauma-exposed population, including those who never experienced PTSD at any time. Other times, this meant presenting the prevalence of PTSD within a population who all had PTSD at one time-point, and other times this meant presenting the prevalence of PTSD within a group who had recovered from PTSD.

Finally, in order to explore factors associated with PTSD recurrence, all variables considered as potential covariates were recorded individually for each study. Each potential predictive factor was descriptively reported in a table, and any found to be significantly associated with experiencing PTSD recurrence were bolded to differentiate between non-significant and significant findings. Factors are also described narratively within the results section. Insights from thematic analysis [ 30 ] were used to group similar data together. For example, data relating to gender or age as predictors of recurrence were coded ‘socio-demographic’ and discussed together within the results.

Quality appraisal

We appraised the quality of studies using National Institutes of Health (NIH) tools: either the Quality Assessment Tool for Observational Cohort and Cross-Sectional Studies or the Quality Assessment of Controlled Intervention Studies tool, depending on study design. Concurrent with other reviews [e.g. 31 ] we rated quality as ‘poor’ if studies scored 0–4/14, ‘fair’ if they scored 5–10/14 and ‘good’ if they scored 11–14/14. One study used retrospective analysis of existing health data, and for this study we used the MetaQAT Critical Appraisal Tool [ 32 ]. To keep the ratings consistent with our rating system for the studies appraised by NIH tools, we defined ‘poor’ quality as a score of 0–34%, ‘fair’ quality as a score of 35–72% and ‘good’ quality as a score of 78% or higher.

Literature searches yielded 5,398 citations of which 1,083 were duplicates. After title and abstract screening, 4,210 citations were excluded leaving 105 citations for full-text screening. After reading full texts of the remaining citations, 75 were excluded and an additional five studies were added after hand-searching reference lists. A total of 35 citations were included in the review [ 15 , 33 , 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 44 , 45 , 46 , 47 , 48 , 49 , 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 , 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 63 , 64 , 65 , 66 ]. Figure  1 illustrates the screening process in a PRISMA flow diagram.

PRISMA flow diagram of screening process

Table  1 provides an overview of key characteristics of all included studies. Studies originated from the United States of America (n = 13), Denmark (n = 5), Israel (n = 4), China (n = 4), Norway (n = 2), the United Kingdom (n = 2), Japan (n = 1), the Netherlands (n = 1), Switzerland (n = 1), and Turkey (n = 1). The remaining study included participants in multiple different countries across Europe and Asia. Study populations ranged from 35 to 7,918 and included military personnel (n = 15), civilian adults (n = 14), children or adolescents (n = 4) or a combination of military and civilian adults (n = 2). Only three studies were rated as ‘good’ quality; the majority were rated ‘fair’.

Definitions of recurrence

Table  2 reports, for each study, the tools used to assess PTSD; time-points at which PTSD was assessed; definitions of recovery and recurrence; and whether the participants received PTSD treatment or not.

Terminology

The first aim of the review was to explore how ‘recurrence’ is defined in the literature. We found no consensus in terms of how this is defined. In fact, the studies used a variety of different terms to describe the emergence of new PTSD episodes after initial ‘recovery’, including ‘recurrence’ [ 33 , 37 , 44 , 47 , 64 , 65 ]; ‘relapse’ [ 35 , 36 , 40 , 49 , 50 , 52 , 53 , 57 ]; ‘reactivation’ [ 15 , 60 , 62 ]; ‘exacerbation/reactivation’ [ 61 ]; ‘relieved-worsening PTSD’ [ 34 , 48 , 51 , 63 ]; ‘response-remit’ trajectory [ 54 ]; ‘fluctuating course’ [ 58 ]; ‘intermittent cases’ [ 43 ]; ‘delayed increase in symptoms’ [ 46 ]; and the ‘relapsing/remitting’ trajectory [ 42 , 55 ]. Many others simply described recurrence as ‘symptom increase’ [ 38 ], ‘initial declines followed by symptom increases’ [ 56 ] or ‘exacerbation of symptoms’ [ 41 , 60 ]. Some studies did not name the trajectory at all; rather, they presented tables or flow charts showing the number of participants with PTSD at each time-point, from which it was possible for us to identify a sub-group of participants who were described as having PTSD at one time-point, not having it at least one follow-up, and then having it again at subsequent time-points [ 39 , 59 ]. Similarly, Hansen et al. [ 45 ] identified and commented on a sub-group of participants who met the criteria for PTSD, did not meet the criteria at a subsequent time-point, and then met the criteria again later, but they did not give this a name.

Criteria for recurrence

Several studies defined recurrence (or equivalent terminology such as relapse) as meeting diagnostic criteria for PTSD at a follow-up time-point after an initial ‘recovery’ period where they did not meet the cut-off for PTSD [ 33 , 35 , 37 , 39 , 43 , 45 , 46 , 58 , 65 ]. Holliday et al. [ 47 ] referred to ‘clinically meaningful change in PTSD symptoms’, which was also assumed to refer to clinical cut-off scores. Markowitz et al. [ 52 ] based the definition of relapse on similarity to baseline scores. Sungur and Kaya [ 64 ] defined recovery and recurrence as being asymptomatic and then symptomatic again, but it is not clear whether this referred to clinical cut-offs. One study defined ‘reactivation’ of PTSD as meeting full diagnostic criteria or being a sub-syndromal case [ 15 ]. Others were more vague and did not mention cut-offs, instead referring to dramatic or steep symptom increases [ 34 , 38 , 56 , 63 ], fluctuating symptoms [ 42 , 55 ], returning to pre-treatment levels of PTSD [ 54 ], symptoms which ‘decreased somewhat and increased drastically’ [ 48 ], symptoms which ‘decreased to a low level and increased again’ [ 49 , 50 ] or ‘steadily worsening’ symptoms [ 36 ]. DenVelde et al. [ 41 ] simply asked participants to self-report whether they had ‘experienced remissions and exacerbations’. Martenyi et al. [ 53 ] had multiple definitions of relapse, including increases in scores on their PTSD measures or ‘the clinical judgement of the investigator’. Others labelled the trajectory but did not specify the parameters of their definitions [ 51 , 60 , 61 , 62 , 66 ]. One study [ 57 ] used ‘being hospitalised’ as a proxy measure of PTSD recurrence, although this way of defining recurrence would obviously not capture individuals who developed recurring symptoms which were not severe enough to warrant hospitalisation; additionally, no criteria for hospitalisation were described. Similarly, Davidson et al. [ 40 ] described ‘relapse’ as PTSD scores reverting back to baseline or worse, or experiencing an ‘untoward clinical event’ including suicidality, hospitalisation, or dropping out of the study due to feeling progress was not being made.

We found little consensus as to how long participants needed to be symptom-free (or have reduced symptoms) in order to be considered ‘recovered’ prior to recurrence. The majority of studies simply based their definitions on the time-points of the study, suggesting that recurrence was identified if participants had PTSD at baseline, did not have PTSD during at least one follow-up, and then had PTSD again at a later follow-up. The time-points of follow-ups ranged from weeks to months to years. Only four studies suggested specific timeframes: three studies claimed that participants needed to be ‘recovered’ for eight weeks in order for later reports of PTSD to count as ‘recurrence’ rather than symptom fluctuation [ 35 , 37 , 66 ] whereas Zanarini et al. [ 65 ] reported that participants needed to be not meeting the PTSD criteria for at least two years in order to be considered ‘recovered’. Similarly, most studies did not clarify a time-scale for how long symptoms needed to be experienced in order to be considered a ‘recurrence’. Most studies again simply based their diagnosis on the scores participants happened to report on the days they were assessed. Few studies specified a time-frame: three [ 35 , 43 , 65 ] suggested a duration of four consecutive weeks of meeting their criteria for PTSD, while Benítez et al. [ 37 ] suggested two weeks of symptoms was sufficient to identify a recurrent episode.

Prevalence of recurrence

The review’s second aim was to explore PTSD recurrence rates. Table  3 presents data on the prevalence of recurrence of PTSD for each study. The second column of Table  3 presents the data that is reported in the original studies. The findings reported in this column are not easily comparable because studies reported recurrence rates in different ways. Some reported the percentage of the entire trauma-exposed sample who experienced PTSD recurrence (column 3 of Table  3 ). Others reported the percentage of those with PTSD who experienced recurrence (column 4 of Table  3 ) and the remaining studies reported the percentage of those who recovered from PTSD who experienced recurrence (column 5 of Table  3 ). Three studies [ 44 , 47 , 57 ] did not report the prevalence of recurrence, but were still included in the review as they included definitions and/or predictors of recurrence. One study [ 60 ] deliberately chose a sample who had all experienced recurrence; therefore, recurrence prevalence data for this study was not recorded in Table  3 as it would, by design, be 100%.

Most studies (19/35) reported the prevalence of recurrence within the entire trauma-exposed population. We would therefore expect prevalence rates to be extremely small, given that the majority of trauma-exposed people will not develop PTSD in the first place [ 3 ], let alone have recurrent episodes. However, in several studies this was not the case. Prevalence of recurrence ranged from 0.2% (for a sub-set of participants who did not directly witness the disaster in question) [ 45 ] to 57% of 63 women newly-diagnosed with ovarian cancer [ 43 ]. The latter study was carried out over 27 weeks and identified ‘intermittent cases’ who had PTSD at one time-point, no PTSD at a later time-point, and then PTSD again later on. We note that 27 weeks is a fairly short period of time for both recovery and recurrence to occur, and it is therefore possible that the data reflects symptom fluctuations rather than true recovery or recurrence. Overall, the mean prevalence of recurrent PTSD in trauma-exposed populations was 13.1%, and the median was 3.8%.

Five studies presented the prevalence of recurrence within populations diagnosed with PTSD. We would expect these prevalence rates to be higher than the prevalence rates of recurrence within full trauma-exposed samples, as they are based on populations who developed PTSD only. The rates were 4.9% [ 39 ], 15.4% [ 66 ], 24.5% [ 36 ], 28% [ 46 ] and 49.6% [ 41 ]. Mean and median prevalence of recurrent PTSD were both 24.5%.

Seven studies presented data on the prevalence of recurrence within sub-sets of study populations who had recovered from PTSD; therefore, the only possible trajectories for these participants would be recurrence or maintenance of recovery. Recurrence rates ranged from 5.8% (for a sub-set of participants treated with fluoxetine) [ 53 ] to 50% (for a sub-group treated with a placebo) [ 40 ]. Mean prevalence of recurrent PTSD was 25.4% and the median was 22.2%.

The three studies rated highest in quality [ 34 , 47 , 55 ] did not report similar findings relating to prevalence. Holliday et al. [ 47 ] did not present prevalence data at all. Andersen et al. [ 34 ] reported that 2% of participants followed the ‘relieved-worsening’ trajectory, whereas Osenbach et al. [ 55 ] reported that 35% of participants followed the ‘relapsing-remitting’ trajectory. Notably, Andersen et al.’s [ 34 ] participants were military personnel, whilst Osenbach et al.’s [ 55 ] participants were civilian trauma survivors. For this reason, we decided to look separately at recurrence rates in military and civilian participants. We also decided to look separately at data on children as children’s experiences during and after potentially traumatic events are likely to be distinct from those of adults [ 67 ]. Table  4 presents the mean and median recurrence rates for different populations.

Prevalence of PTSD recurrence in military populations

Fifteen studies focused on military personnel and veterans, three of which did not provide prevalence data and one of which included only participants with PTSD recurrence. Military studies which presented rates of recurrence in trauma-exposed populations (rather than focusing on people diagnosed with PTSD only) typically found low prevalence of recurrence: seven studies found prevalence rates under 4% [ 34 , 48 , 51 , 54 , 61 , 62 ]. Another study found a prevalence rate of 6% [ 38 ]. The only higher prevalence rates were reported by Solomon & Mikulincer [ 59 ], who reported recurrence rates of 24.4% for those with combat stress reactions (people referred for psychiatric intervention during the war) and 13.2% for participants who participated in combat in the same units but without need for psychiatric intervention during the war. This study assessed participants over twenty years, which may explain its higher prevalence rate than the majority of studies which were completed within two-and-a-half years or less. However, the study period was shorter than the forty-seven years of Solomon et al.’s [ 62 ] study, which reported only a 1.6% rate of recurrence. It is unclear why Solomon and Mikulincer [ 59 ] found much higher rates of recurrence.

Two military studies reported recurrence rates for PTSD-populations. These were 24.5% [ 36 ] and 49.6% [ 41 ]. We note that all of Armenta et al.’s [ 36 ] participants had comorbid depression at baseline. We also note some concerns about the reliability of DenVelde et al.’s study [ 41 ], which was a retrospective study asking participants to give complete life-history data at one time-point only.

One military study reported on the prevalence of recurrence in a sub-group of participants who had recovered. Solomon et al. [ 62 ], who reported a prevalence rate of 1.6% (out of the entire trauma-exposed sample) over the first forty-two years of the study, found in a follow-up at forty-seven years that 16.7% of those who had initially recovered experienced recurrence of PTSD during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Prevalence of PTSD recurrence in civilian adult populations

Fourteen studies focused on civilian adults. Findings relating to recurrence prevalence in entire trauma-exposed samples were mixed. Two studies reported rates of under 5% [ 45 , 58 ] in survivors of a terrorist attack and an earthquake respectively. Sungur and Kaya [ 64 ] reported a recurrence rate of 8.9% in survivors of the Sivas disaster, a religious fundamentalist protest which resulted in civilian deaths. Higher rates of recurrence were reported for survivors of an oil rig disaster (18.8%) [ 15 ], survivors of an oil spill (32%) [ 56 ], acutely injured trauma survivors (35%) [ 55 ] and women recently diagnosed with ovarian cancer (57%) [ 43 ].

For populations of civilians with PTSD only, recurrence rates were 4.9% [ 39 ] (type of trauma not reported), 15.4% [ 66 ] (trauma type varied), and 28% [ 46 ] (participants severely injured in accidents). Four studies reported data on the prevalence of recurrence in populations who had previously recovered from PTSD. Reported rates were 14% [ 52 ] (trauma type varied), 29.5% [ 37 ] (trauma type varied), 34% [ 35 ] (trauma type not reported) and 40% [ 65 ] (trauma type varied).

Prevalence of PTSD recurrence in children

Four studies focused on recurrence in adolescents / children, with mixed findings. Fan et al. [ 42 ] found that 3.3% of 1,573 earthquake survivors experienced ‘relapsing/remitting’ PTSD. Liang et al. [ 49 , 50 ] found that 17.7% of 301 earthquake survivors experienced the ‘relapsing’ trajectory of PTSD. An et al. [ 33 ] found that 37% of 246 adolescents experienced ‘recurrent dysfunction’ after experiencing an earthquake.

Prevalence of PTSD recurrence in combined military and civilian populations

Finally, two studies included both military and civilian participants; both of these studies were trials comparing fluoxetine to placebo treatment in people with PTSD. Davidson et al. [ 40 ] found that half of the placebo group relapsed after recovery, compared to 22.2% of the fluoxetine group. Martenyi et al. [ 53 ] reported lower rates of ‘relapse’: 16.1% of the placebo group and 5.8% of the fluoxetine group. The latter study followed up participants after 36 months, while Davidson et al. [ 40 ] followed up participants for a year after treatment.

Predictors of PTSD recurrence

The third and final aim of the present review was to identify factors associated with PTSD recurrence. Firstly, we note that (as shown in Table  2 ), participants in a number of studies had received some type of intervention during the study period, which was typically not accounted for in analyses of predictors. Many other studies did not report whether participants received treatment or not. Having treatment, whether it be medication, therapy, or a combination, is likely to be an important factor influencing PTSD trajectory, given that there are evidence-based treatments for the condition [ 68 ], but this was typically not explored.

Table  5 shows the factors considered as predictors in each study, with significant associations presented in bold. The majority of included studies (22/35) explored at least one covariate; the remaining studies either did not explore covariates or combined recurrent trajectories with other trajectories in their analyses of predictors. Of those studies which did explore covariates of recurrence, we found little consensus.

Sociodemographic factors

Gender was considered as a potential covariate by six studies; one [ 33 ] found that recurrent PTSD was associated with female gender while five studies (including two based on the same data-set) [ 49 , 50 ] found no significant gender association [ 35 , 36 , 42 , 49 , 50 ]. None of the three studies testing age as a covariate found a significant association [ 35 , 36 , 57 ]. One study of school-aged children found that children in a higher grade (i.e. older in age) were more likely to experience PTSD recurrence [ 33 ], while three studies of two cohorts [ 42 , 49 , 50 ] found no significant association between recurrence and school grade. Three studies considered race as a covariate, finding no significant association between PTSD recurrence and race [ 36 , 44 , 55 ]. Other socio-demographic characteristics considered included number of children in the family [ 42 ], marital status and level of education [ 36 ], none of which were found to be associated with PTSD recurrence. For military participants, there were no significant differences in service branch, service component or pay grade between the recurrent and rapid recovery groups [ 36 ].

Psychiatric history

Seven studies considered psychiatric history and concurrent diagnoses as potential covariates of PTSD recurrence, again with mixed findings. Recurrence was not found to be associated with other anxiety syndromes [ 36 ], baseline levels of anxiety [ 54 ], depressive symptoms [ 55 ], baseline levels of depression [ 54 ] or psychiatric history [ 55 ]. Ansell et al. [ 35 ] found that diagnoses of a number of co-morbid mental health disorders such as major depressive disorder and personality disorders such as schizotypal personality disorder, avoidant personality disorder and borderline personality disorder were not associated with recurrence, but participants with a baseline diagnosis of obsessive-compulsive personality disorder were significantly less likely to experience PTSD recurrence. Conversely, Perconte et al. [ 57 ] found that those who experienced recurrence were significantly more likely to report obsessive-compulsive symptoms than those whose symptoms improved without recurrence. Sakuma et al. [ 58 ] found that pre-disaster treatment for mental illness was significantly associated with PTSD recurrence, but note that the results should be interpreted carefully due to the very small number of participants in the ‘fluctuating symptoms’ group who appeared to have experienced recurrent episodes. Perconte et al. [ 57 ] found that, versus the improved symptoms group, those with PTSD recurrence were more likely to report depression, anxiety, hostility, phobic anxiety, somaticism and psychoticism; however, previous psychiatric hospitalisations and pre-treatment ratings of global pathology on a psychiatric scale did not predict recurrence. Finally, Madsen et al. [ 51 ] found that suicidal ideation was significantly higher in the ‘relieved-worsening PTSD’ group than the ‘low-stable’ group and that suicidal ideation was in fact highest in the recurrent (termed ‘relieved-worsening’) group than any other. However, it should be noted that suicidality was not assessed at baseline in this study, therefore it is not clear whether suicidal ideation is a cause or a consequence of PTSD recurrence.

Physical health

Fewer studies considered physical health as a potential predictor of PTSD recurrence. One study found no association between recurrence and disabling injury/illness, somatic symptoms or bodily pain [ 36 ] and another found no association between recurrence and prior treatment for physical illness [ 57 ]. However, obesity was a significant predictor of PTSD recurrence [ 36 ]. In terms of health-related behaviours, Armenta et al. [ 36 ] found no association between PTSD recurrence and smoking status, alcohol problems or sleep duration. However, Perconte et al. [ 57 ] found that higher weekly alcohol intake both before and at termination of PTSD treatment predicted recurrence.

Cognitive ability

Only one study [ 63 ] explored cognitive ability as a potential covariate, finding that the participants who were in the recurrent (termed ‘relieved-worsening PTSD’) group had significantly lower cognitive ability scores than those in the ‘low-stable’ group.

Trauma history and pre-trauma experiences

The review also found mixed evidence for trauma history as a predictor of PTSD recurrence. Liang et al. [ 49 , 50 ] found no association between pre-disaster traumatic experience and PTSD recurrence. Armenta et al. [ 36 ] found no association between recurrence and childhood sexual abuse, childhood verbal abuse, childhood neglect, sexual assault, physical assault, or ‘other life events’, but did find that participants reporting a history of childhood physical abuse were significantly more likely to experience PTSD recurrence. Holliday et al. [ 47 ] found that veterans who had experienced military sexual trauma (MST) had greater initial reductions in PTSD symptoms than those who had not experienced MST, but also experienced a ‘modestly greater’ recurrence of symptoms than those without MST, although this difference did not appear to reach statistical significance. Zanarini et al. [ 65 ] found that the presence of childhood sexual abuse history did not significantly predict time-to-recurrence, but severity of childhood sexual abuse, adult rape history, combination of childhood sexual abuse history and adult rape history, and experiencing sexual assault during study follow-up were associated with less time-to-recurrence. Osofsky et al. [ 56 ] found that abuse, emotional abuse, domestic violence, and greater number of traumas experienced were associated with recurrence of PTSD, and Osenbach et al. [ 55 ] found that recurrent life stressors significantly increased the odds of membership in chronic, relapsing or recovery groups rather than the resilient group. For military participants, one study found combat deployment was significantly associated with recurrent PTSD [ 36 ] while others found combat exposure was not associated with recurrence [ 54 , 57 ]. Finally, Fan et al. [ 42 ] found that compared to the recovery group, relapsing participants experienced significantly fewer negative life events 6-months post-disaster, but significantly more such events at the 24-month follow-up.

Few other pre-trauma experiences were considered. An et al. [ 33 ] found that those with recurrent PTSD were significantly more likely to have experienced academic burnout than those in the recovery trajectory, although there was no difference between the recurrent and delayed trajectories.

Experiences during and immediately after the traumatic experience

The review also found mixed evidence for an association between peri-traumatic experiences and PTSD recurrence. The most consistent finding related to how stressful the traumatic experience was perceived to be at the time. For example, risk of recurrence was significantly higher in those with combat stress reactions [ 59 ] and in those with higher stress relating to the disaster they had experienced [ 56 ], as well as with greater trauma severity [ 49 , 50 ]. However, recurrence was not found to be associated with subjective fear during the event [ 33 ]; directly witnessing a disaster [ 42 ]; property loss during the event [ 33 , 42 ]; property damage [ 42 ]; displacement due to property damage [ 58 ]; near-death experience [ 58 ]; or having a family member injured, killed or missing [ 42 , 58 ].

There was some evidence that initial post-traumatic stress symptoms immediately after the traumatic event could predict PTSD trajectory. Liang et al. [ 49 , 50 ], in a study of PTSD in children from two schools affected by an earthquake, found that children from one of the two schools (‘School 2’) were significantly more likely to experience PTSD recurrence than children from the other school (‘School 1’). Further investigations revealed that after adjusting for immediate post-traumatic stress symptoms the school no longer predicted relapse; those from School 2 had significantly greater post-traumatic stress symptoms immediately after the disaster, which the authors suggest might be due to School 1 providing sufficient psychological services as well as having the same students and teachers before and after the earthquake (therefore perhaps greater social support available), whereas School 2 had insufficient psychological services and consisted of teachers and students from several different schools which could not be reconstructed after the earthquake.

One study [ 58 ] considered occupational-related covariates of PTSD recurrence for disaster recovery workers. They found that having mainly disaster-related occupational duties and lack of rest due to occupational duties were not associated with recurrence, but perceived poor workplace communication did predict recurrence.

Post-trauma experiences and symptoms

An et al. [ 33 ] found that, compared to the delayed PTSD trajectory, those who experienced recurrence were less likely to have experienced post-traumatic growth after the traumatic event; however, there were no differences in post-traumatic growth between the recurrent and recovery groups. Fan et al. [ 42 ] found that neither positive coping nor negative coping six months post-disaster were associated with PTSD recurrence. In a military study, Karstoft et al. [ 48 ] found that poor adjustment to civilian life (i.e. difficulties with community reintegration after deployment) was significantly higher for the recurrent (‘relieved-worsening PTSD’) group than all other groups. However, it is not clear whether poor adjustment was a cause or an effect of PTSD symptoms worsening after initial improvement.

Two studies explored specific cluster symptoms. Murphy and Smith [ 54 ] found PTSD recurrence was not predicted by the magnitude of re-experiencing, avoidance, or hyperarousal symptoms. Boe et al. [ 15 ] found that the number of intrusion and avoidance symptoms five-and-a-half months post-trauma did not predict recurrence, but the number of intrusion and avoidance symptoms both fourteen months and five years after the disaster did predict recurrence.

Social support

Only three studies directly considered social support as a potential covariate. Armenta et al. [ 36 ] found no association between social support and PTSD recurrence, and Perconte et al. [ 57 ] found that family support did not predict recurrence. Fan et al. [ 42 ] found that level of social support six months after experiencing an earthquake was not associated with PTSD recurrence, but those in the ‘relapsing’ group reported significantly less social support 24 months after the earthquake than those in the ‘recovery’ group.

PTSD treatment

Most of the studies investigating treatment for PTSD found that not receiving interventions, or discontinuing treatment, were associated with PTSD recurrence. For example, Osenbach et al. [ 55 ] found that those who received ‘usual care’ only were significantly more likely to experience recurrence than those who received interventions designed to reduce post-traumatic symptoms. Davidson et al. [ 40 ] found that those who received placebo treatment were significantly more likely to experience recurrence than those who received fluoxetine. Martenyi et al. [ 53 ] found that those who discontinued fluoxetine treatment were significantly more likely to experience recurrence, especially for those with combat-related PTSD. However, Perconte et al. [ 57 ] found that number of weeks enrolled in treatment and number of treatment sessions attended did not significantly affect risk of recurrence. In this study, though, being hospitalised at least once since the termination of treatment was used as a proxy measure of ‘recurrence’ and so the findings are arguably not truly representative of actual recurrent episodes of PTSD. Overall, our findings indicated some evidence that treatment helped to avoid recurrent episodes.

In this study, we systematically reviewed 35 studies to identify definitions and prevalence of recurrent PTSD and factors associated with recurrence. It is important to define and operationalise recurrence as the concept needs to be understood in order to make prevention efforts. The health-related, social and economic costs of PTSD can be substantial. PTSD negatively affects individuals’ emotional wellbeing and physical health [ 7 ], impedes social relationships [ 69 ], limits productivity at work and increases sickness absence [ 70 ]. The direct costs (e.g., medical care costs) and indirect costs (e.g., costs of unemployment or reduced productivity) of PTSD can create substantial economic burden [ 7 , 71 ]. Determining the predictors of recurrence of PTSD (which can only be properly understood if ‘recurrence’ itself has a clear definition) is important for prevention efforts: identifying those most at risk for recurrent episodes would allow for the subsequent investigation of ways of mitigating or preventing the risk. However, we found little consensus as to how recurrence is defined, mixed evidence on the prevalence of recurrence and inconsistent findings relating to predictors of recurrence. This lack of clarity about what relapse or recurrence is, and is not, is a major barrier to understanding this important topic.

In a previous review exploring PTSD recurrence in veterans, Berge et al. [ 22 ] acknowledge that there is no generally accepted or used definition of recovery relating to psychological trauma. The definition of recurrence used in their review was the return of symptoms following a period of complete recovery, representing the start of a new and separate episode . However, it is not clear what length of time is covered by ‘a period of complete recovery’ nor what ‘complete recovery’ means. How many days, weeks, or months does an individual need to be free of symptoms of PTSD in order to be considered truly recovered? Is ‘symptom-free’ the only definition of recovery, or is ‘not meeting the criteria for PTSD’ enough? Our own review revealed that there is little consensus as to what recurrence means and the parameters for its definition. Even the terminology used varied across studies, with ‘relapse’, ‘recurrence’, ‘reactivation’ and numerous other terms often used to describe what essentially appeared to be the same concept. There was no consensus as to how long an individual needed to be free of symptoms in order to be considered recovered, nor for how long symptoms needed to recur in order to be considered a recurrent episode. Most studies simply defined recurrence as a change in symptoms between assessments, meaning that whether or not an individual was defined as having a recurrent episode or not very much depended on the scores they reported at arbitrary time-points. Even minor symptom fluctuations could cause someone to change from being identified as a ‘case’ to ‘recovered’ and vice versa. Because PTSD tended to be examined using prospective studies where symptoms were assessed at predetermined assessment points, it is possible that individuals may have onsets of PTSD after one assessment and then remit before the next. With no retrospective assessment between time-points, it is difficult to assess the true prevalence of recurrence. Andrews et al. [ 16 ] make a similar point in relation to delayed onset PTSD, suggesting the absence of information about symptoms outside of the predetermined time-points of studies means that estimates of delayed onset PTSD may be unreliable.

The second aim of the review was to examine the prevalence of PTSD recurrence in existing literature. Given the numerous different ways of assessing PTSD, defining initial recovery and defining recurrence, as well as the differing time-points at which PTSD was assessed across studies, we suggest that the current data on recurrence prevalence is not especially meaningful. We found very different prevalence rates reported within the literature, with data suggesting that anywhere between 0.2% and 57% of trauma-exposed populations might experience recurrent episodes of PTSD. Some of the higher percentages we found seem greater than we would expect, given that only a minority of trauma-exposed people are likely to develop PTSD in the first place – let alone suffer from it, recover from it, and experience a recurrent episode. We would expect that studies carried out over a longer period of time would find higher recurrence rates, simply because in these studies there is more time for recurrent episodes to occur. However, the highest prevalence rate (57%) was found in a study which took place over only 27 weeks [ 43 ]; the authors labelled these participants as ‘intermittent cases’ and it appears likely that symptom fluctuation, rather than true recovery and recurrence, occurred in this study – and potentially many others. Additionally, studies did not typically control for exposure to subsequent trauma, meaning that ‘recurrences’ of PTSD identified may actually be new episodes, rather than a relapse. Further research studies, especially research involving assessments over a number of years, are needed to establish the true prevalence of recurrent PTSD which also needs to be clearly defined with an agreed time period between remission and relapse.

It has been proposed that recurrence rates might increase with old age. Murray [ 72 ] suggests that PTSD can be ‘reactivated’ in older age because physical illnesses become more common, which can reactivate traumatic memories; increased dependence on others due to ageing can reactivate feelings of helplessness; and loss of structure and identity caused by retirement can similarly reactivate traumatic symptoms. Other factors relating to ageing such as decline of cognitive function, difficulty controlling ruminations, reminiscing, and late-life stressors such as serious illness, surgical procedures and death of spouses, siblings or close friends can either directly remind the person of their previous traumatic experience(s) or can induce similar feelings of vulnerability [ 73 ]. Three studies of adults in this review did not find age predicted recurrence [ 35 , 36 , 57 ]; however, the populations trended young overall, with each of the three studies reporting the mean age of participants was under 40. We suggest, then, that more studies of older adults with lifetime PTSD are needed to establish whether this group are at increased risk of recurrence.

The third aim of this review was to understand factors associated with PTSD recurrence. Although a number of potential covariates were considered, most were not investigated by more than a few studies, and findings were varied and inconsistent. Of the covariates investigated by multiple studies, none were found to have significant associations with recurrence across all studies. It was therefore not possible to quantify the extent to which potential risk factors contribute to the risk of recurrence. One reason for the inconsistent findings might be the relatively small numbers of participants with recurrent PTSD in many of the studies. We note also that most studies did not consider either subsequent trauma or treatment impact in their analysis of predictors of recurrence.

We did not find strong evidence of an association between PTSD recurrence and comorbid psychiatric conditions. Recurrence of other mental health disorders, such as anxiety, is reportedly associated with comorbid psychiatric conditions including major depression, alcohol and substance use disorders [ 74 ]. Additionally, comorbid disorders have been found to be associated with an ‘unfavourable long-term course’ of PTSD [ 18 ]. However, in a review of predictors of developing PTSD, Brewin et al. [ 75 ] found that while psychiatric history was associated with development of PTSD, it was not a strong risk factor – factors operating during or after the traumatic exposure had greater effects than the pre-trauma factors. Many studies in this review found no evidence of a relationship between PTSD recurrence and other mental health conditions; in those that did find a relationship, it was not always clear whether the other conditions pre-dated the recurrent PTSD episode or not. Overall, the most consistent evidence we found indicated that recurrence of PTSD was associated with greater stress and traumatic response at the time of the traumatic experience.

We did not find evidence to suggest that trauma type may affect recurrence. Many studies examined PTSD trajectories after a single traumatic event. Those that did include participants who had experienced various different types of trauma did not consider trauma type as a potential predictor of recurrence. Given the wide variations in methodology, it was not appropriate for us to compare recurrence rates for different trauma types within the review. Future research should include participants who have experienced different types of trauma and should consider trauma type as a potential predictor of PTSD trajectory.

Only one study assessed PTSD during the COVID-19 pandemic, with Solomon et al. [ 62 ] reporting that 16.7% of initially-recovered participants experienced recurrence during the pandemic. However, it is not clear how many of this cohort may also have experienced recurrence before the pandemic, and without being able to make that comparison, we cannot ascertain the extent to which recurrence was exacerbated by the pandemic. Additionally, the percentage (16.7%) is similar to recurrence rates in several other, non-COVID studies. Ideally, future studies will present data on PTSD recurrence rates for one cohort at regular intervals, including data collected during or after the COVID-19 pandemic, to ascertain whether the pandemic did affect recurrence rates.

In their review, Steinert et al. [ 18 ] identified older age, higher education, greater trauma severity, higher baseline symptoms, more physical/functional impairments, and poorer social support as predictors of ‘unfavourable’ long-term course of PTSD. These were identified as predictors due to being reported in at least two studies within their review. The current review did not find consistent evidence that age, education, trauma severity, baseline symptoms, impairments or social support predicted recurrence – although age was only considered in studies of young people. We found some evidence from treatment studies that fluoxetine reduced the risk of recurrence, as did participation in an intervention involving a combination of motivational interviewing, behavioural activation and pharmacotherapy. It is therefore difficult to make recommendations relevant to occupational health, as we had hoped to do. Managers of trauma-exposed employees who have developed PTSD may have questions around whether recovered individuals can go back to frontline work, or whether they risk experiencing a recurrence of PTSD. Our findings tentatively suggest that recurrence might be relatively rare (rates of recurrence ranged from 0.2 − 57% in full trauma-exposed samples, mean 13.1%; 4.9 − 49.6% in PTSD-only subgroups, mean 24.5%; and 5.8 − 50% for recovered subgroups, mean 25.4%) but clearer definitions and assessments of recurrence are needed to substantiate that claim. As we found no consistent evidence of predictors of recurrence, it was therefore not possible to identify which sub-groups of people might be more likely to have their PTSD recur. We did find evidence from two studies that recurrence was more prevalent in groups of PTSD patients treated with placebos compared to PTSD patients treated with fluoxetine, suggesting that medication appears at least somewhat effective in reducing the risk of recurrence. However, we found no studies looking at the impact of first-line treatments on relapse (i.e. trauma-focused cognitive behavioural therapy [ 76 ] or eye movement desensitisation and reprocessing [ 77 , 78 ]) which is a major gap in the literature. Whilst more, high-quality studies are carried out, employers should ensure that workers get evidence-based treatments and have an occupational mental health assessment on completion of potentially traumatic work to provide an expert judgement, given that we cannot identify any clear risk factors from the literature.

The key limitation of the literature on PTSD recurrence is that it is not always easy to differentiate between recurrence and symptom fluctuation, and it is also difficult to know what ‘recovery’ truly means. It is not clear how many of the so-called ‘recovered’ participants within the reviewed studies may have been close to clinical thresholds for PTSD at the assessment points. Rather than moving from distinct ‘recovered’ to ‘recurrent episodes’, it may be that individuals only experienced small fluctuations in PTSD symptoms, moving them above and below the symptom thresholds. Indeed, the authors of several of the included studies remarked on the difficulties in identifying PTSD trajectories. In Boe et al.’s [ 15 ] study, clinical interviews were conducted by two clinical psychologists who were trained and supervised by an experienced clinician and trauma researcher and even these experienced individuals had difficulties identifying recurrence of PTSD, with one case being recategorised from ‘full-blown PTSD reactivation’ to ‘sub-syndromal reactivation’ after discussion between the researchers. Markowitz et al. [ 52 ] pointed out that, as they defined relapse as ‘loss of response (to treatment) status’, relapse might reflect barely crossing that threshold: indeed, more in-depth analysis of their six ‘relapsers’ showed that all but one still showed some, albeit more modest, treatment benefit relative to their baseline PTSD severity.

Sakuma et al. [ 58 ] discussed their finding of a ‘fluctuating’ trajectory (and lack of a delayed-onset trajectory), differing from the typical four trajectories widely accepted within the PTSD literature. They suggested the difference may be due to variations in the duration of study periods and characteristics of the study samples. The majority of studies which produce the typical four trajectories are conducted over short periods between a few months and two years [ 9 ], compared to the longer (54-month) period of Sakuma et al.’s [ 58 ] study: the trajectory commonly identified as ‘delayed onset’ could really be a fluctuating trajectory if examined over a longer period. Or, it could reflect a gradual accumulation of symptoms resulting in a delayed presentation of PTSD, rather than delayed onset.

The time-points of assessments could also affect reported prevalence rates. For example, Sungur & Kaya [ 64 ] pointed out that some of their ‘recurrent’ cases would have been considered ‘recovered’ if the study period had been shorter or if participants had not been reassessed at the particular time-points chosen. They also noted that symptoms across the entire participant population seemed to be higher at particular times during the study (namely, at the anniversary of the event and at the time of a disappointing result of a court hearing for compensation), suggesting that the nature and course of PTSD might be influenced by particular events which might trigger unwanted memories of the traumatic event. In the current review, most studies assessed participants for at least a year, but not all: five [ 38 , 39 , 43 , 52 , 53 ] followed participants for less than a year. Additionally, two studies [ 44 , 47 ] reported assessing participants pre-treatment and four months post-treatment but it was not clear how long treatment lasted.

We suggest that PTSD recurrence may not have been adequately assessed in many of the included studies. For example, Chopra et al. [ 39 ] described how, in order to minimise respondent burden, assessors were expected to stop inquiring about PTSD symptoms if participants were unlikely to meet the criteria and if they answered no to particular questions on the assessment tool. This could mean that some individuals who did have recurrent episodes of PTSD were not identified as they did not complete the full measures. Additionally, we found that a number of studies had very vague definitions of recurrence, such as ‘increasing symptoms’, where it was unclear what exactly this meant. Others used hospitalisation as a proxy measure for recurrence, or simply asked participants whether they perceived their symptoms had been exacerbated and in one case used the investigator’s own judgements as a way of determining recurrence. It is therefore likely that some recurrent cases may have been missed while others who never truly ‘recovered’ at all may have been reported to have experienced recurrence. Overall, the vague and inconsistent ways of assessing recurrence mean it is currently impossible to ascertain true recurrence rates within existing literature.

It is also possible that recurrent trajectories of PTSD appear in studies which do not identify them as such. For example, in Andrews et al.’s [ 16 ] review, the authors note that some cases of ‘delayed-onset PTSD’ in veterans of relatively old age with long intervals to first onset may in fact have had episodes of PTSD soon after their traumatic experiences which were undisclosed or forgotten. In other words, some cases of supposedly ‘delayed-onset’ PTSD might actually be recurrent cases. Andrews et al. [ 16 ] also point out that many of the studies included in their review of delayed-onset PTSD did not assess whether respondents could have had onsets of PTSD and then remitted before the next assessment point – which could lead to both over- and under-estimates of delayed-onset rates of PTSD. Indeed, the studies included in our own review tended to focus only on the scores at the various time-points and did not explore participants’ perceptions of symptom fluctuations outside of the time-points set by the study.

Limitations

There are a number of limitations of the literature reviewed. Many did not collect data on whether participants had undergone any intervention or not, and those that did tended not to include this as a potential confounding variable. The majority of studies did not assess whether participants experienced additional potentially traumatic experiences between PTSD assessments. Many did not define the parameters of ‘recovery’ and ‘recurrence’ and it is not clear whether recurrent episodes identified were truly recurrent episodes or merely symptom fluctuations. Many did not collect data on whether or not participants received any treatment for PTSD between data collection time-points, and many of those which did ask participants whether they had received any treatment did not distinguish between types of treatment. It is therefore unclear if, and how many, participants in many studies received any evidence-based PTSD treatment or not. Additionally, the majority of studies did not collect data on the time period of any treatment received. Some studies had extremely long gaps (e.g., decades) between assessments which could mean that recurrences were missed.

There are also limitations of the review process itself. Firstly, the screening, data extraction and quality appraisal were carried out by one author. Although decisions about exclusion or inclusion were discussed with the second author, it would have been preferable to have multiple screeners. We limited the review to English-language studies only, meaning that important studies published in other languages would have been missed. We included only studies which identified ‘recurrent episodes’ (or equivalent terminology e.g. relapse, reactivation); studies which identified no recurrent trajectory were not reviewed. It may be that these studies did not include a sufficient number of assessments to pick up on recurrent episodes, but it may also be that no participants in these studies experienced recurrence and therefore the true prevalence of recurrence may be lower than this review suggests.

Conclusions and implications

The main conclusion that can be drawn from the current review is that, moving forward, better clarity and consensus regarding the definition and identification of recurrent PTSD are urgently needed. Berge et al. [ 22 ] suggest that consistent definitions of relapse-related terms, supported by empirical research, are required in order to make studies of PTSD trajectories more robust. The findings of this review support this suggestion. Experts in the field should agree on an appropriate definition of recurrence (i.e. symptom-based or threshold-based) and should agree how long an individual needs to be ‘better’ for in order to be considered recovered as well as how long an individual needs to experience symptoms for in order to be considered as having a recurrent episode. Recurrence is arguably better-defined for recurrent depressive disorder, with the ICD-11 stating that recurrence is characterised by a history of depressive episodes separated by at least several months without significant mood disturbance [ 79 ]. However, further clarity is still needed. How many months is ‘several’? What are ‘significant’ symptoms? Still, we suggest this might be a useful starting point for a working definition of recurrent PTSD: a history of episodes of PTSD separated by at least several (i.e., three) months without significant (i.e., meeting diagnostic criteria) PTSD symptoms . However, further research is necessary to clarify whether these parameters (i.e. three months as a time period, symptom thresholds as a diagnostic tool) are the most appropriate to use. Using consistent terminology within the literature would make it easier to researchers in the future to understand true prevalence rates of PTSD recurrence and to compare them across studies. Further research allowing for the identification of recurrent PTSD episodes is needed. We believe the gold standard for assessing PTSD and properly identifying its trajectories, including recurrent trajectories, would be using the Clinician Administered PTSD Scale (CAPS) [ 80 ], or other validated questionnaires, at multiple specific time points over a long period of time. Figure  2 summarises the findings of the review and the proposed next steps based on our findings.

Summary of review and suggested next steps

It is important to understand recurrence in order to take steps towards reducing the risk of PTSD recurring. However, due to the inconsistent findings relating to predictors of recurrence, it is difficult to draw conclusions about the best ways of preventing or minimising recurrence. We suggest that ensuring that people who develop PTSD are provided with timely, evidence-based treatments is a logical first step [ 68 ]. Second, awareness of ‘early warning sign’ symptoms and ‘triggers’ might be useful, as well as awareness of effective coping strategies and how to access support. That is, if people with PTSD are able to recognise when they are struggling more and acknowledge that they need to be proactive in ensuring symptoms do not develop into full-blown PTSD again, they may be able to draw on their coping skills or reach out for formal or informal support when a recurrent episode seems imminent and may be able to stave off the recurrent episode. We also suggest that reframing the re-emergence of symptoms in a more positive way might be useful: instead of feeling defeated that symptoms have recurred, people could remind themselves that they have recovered once and therefore know that they are capable of doing so again. Within organisational settings, it is also important to foster an environment in which people who have any mental health condition, including PTSD, feel confident that asking for help will not lead to stigmatisation or increase the likelihood of inappropriate job loss. It may also be helpful to incorporate relapse prevention, understanding ‘warning signs’ of recurrent episodes and positive reframing into PTSD treatment programmes.

Data availability

All data generated or analysed during this study are included in this published article.

Abbreviations

Clinician-Administered PTSD Scale

Military sexual trauma

National Institutes for Health

Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder

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This study was funded by the National Institute for Health and Care Research Health Protection Research Unit (NIHR HPRU) in Emergency Preparedness and Response, a partnership between the UK Health Security Agency, King’s College London and the University of East Anglia. The views expressed are those of the author(s) and not necessarily those of the NIHR, UKHSA or the Department of Health and Social Care. For the purpose of open access, the author has applied a Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) licence to any Author Accepted Manuscript version arising. The funders had no role in carrying out the review or preparing the manuscript for publication.

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NG and SKB conceptualised the review. SKB carried out searches, screening, data extraction and analysis. NG contributed to analysis. SKB wrote the first draft of the manuscript and NG edited the manuscript. Both authors reviewed the final manuscript.

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Brooks, S.K., Greenberg, N. Recurrence of post-traumatic stress disorder: systematic review of definitions, prevalence and predictors. BMC Psychiatry 24 , 37 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-023-05460-x

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Received : 04 September 2023

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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-023-05460-x

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